Showing posts with label Amusement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Amusement. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 22, 2012

Nihilism, The Destruction of Magic, and the Rise of Amusement: Recovering Aesthetic and Magical Experience

1. Introduction: On Nihilism
2. Nihilism and Logocentrism
3. Nihilism, Logocentrism, and the Destruction of Magic
4. Nihilism’s Destruction Of Magic and the Rise of Amusement Culture
5. Conclusion: On Recovering Aesthetic-Magical Experience


This essay’s key terms may appear to be silly phrases, almost non-terms. For I will be talking about things like nihilism, magic, amusement, and aesthetics. As my friend told me, I sound like some kind of Barnum & Bailey ring master writing about ‘the destruction of magic’ and ‘the rise of amusement’. Imagine that I have on a top hat and I’m shouting ‘come one come all to witness the destruction of magic!’ I probably appear as though I am writing something silly. But this is not the case.

One cannot read Collingwood’s The Principles of Art without taking his ideas on magic and amusement very seriously. He spends more than a hundred pages explaining the practical importance of magic and the dangers of amusement. That is, the importance of rituals that serve as useful ways for a community to focus their emotions; and the danger of forms of art that serve to dull and distract the mind from life’s proper business. Collingwood firmly believed that the emotional health of our communities have been compromised by our rejection of magic and our addiction to amusement. It is my intention to take those claims seriously, and, more importantly, to connect them with contemporary analyses of our situation. In particular, I want to connect Collingwood’s claims with contemporary work on nihilism. I will be arguing that the process that Collingwood describes, of magic’s destruction and amusement’s rise, can be rendered in terms of nihilism and logocentrism. Since the Enlightenment, Western culture has been gradually infiltrated by a spirit of rational inquiry that has destroyed 'traditional', ‘magical’ forms of life, while simultaneously failing to provide any rational basis for morality. The result has been cultural nihilism; a state in which we no longer have the means to emotional renewal; a state in which practical magic and aesthetic experience are foreign to us; a state in which we have become addicted to superficially articulate language, false certainty, and amusing spectacles.

My wager, along with others, is that the antidote to this nihilistic culture can be found in the recovery of aesthetic and magical forms of experience. More specifically, I believe that aesthetic and magical experience can reacquaint us with uncertainty, can remind us that we really do not know what is going on or what we should do. This recovery, moreover, is not just a simple reach back into the past, it is an attempt to create something new, an attempt to reinvent aesthetics and magic for the present. I am trying to elaborate a form of ethics that admits that it does not know, and therefore humbly engages in acts of judgement instead of confidently adhering to a flimsy doctrine. 

This whole thing will happen in five sections. First I will be clarifying my use of the term nihilism, explaining how it must refer to a cultural state, and not a method. After that I’ll be explaining how nihilistic culture arose out of the West’s relationship with language. I’ll try to show how our logocentric culture led to the hollowing out of our culture and the destruction of our sources of emotional renewal. Then I’ll be arguing that, in the wake of magic’s destruction, amusement became the dominant practice of our culture. That we now simply seek to amuse ourselves, distract ourselves from the drudgery of our lives. Finally, I’ll try to explain how the recovery of aesthetic and magical forms of experience can serve as an antidote to nihilism, and what precisely it means to ‘recover’ a lost form of experience.

1. Introduction: On Nihilism

I sometimes use the word nihilism in an unconventional way. For a while, I thought of it primarily as a method of using historical study to breakdown contemporary norms. Without this directed and aggressive historical study we run the risk of mistaking the social norms of our day for the natural order. Nihilism, therefore, can be thought of as a method of overcoming the social limitations imposed on yourself through the historical interrogation of contemporary social categorization. I think this is what Nietzsche was doing in The Genealogy of Morals. And Foucault, though not necessarily a 'nihilist', but a professed Nieztschan, embraces similar goals in his historical-philosophical studies. Thus nihilism as a method.

Nihilism, however, usually means something very different. Typically it connotes a certain worldview. Namely, the belief that the world is without objective meaning. Sometimes it is equated simply with pessimism, but more often refers to the perceived of the world or society. More precisely, nihilism refers to a society that finds itself in a cultural 'dead end' of sorts. One in which a way of life has exhausted itself, leaving its members in a state of disillusionment, unable to foresee a way to reorganize communities and reinvigorate culture.

Hubert Dreyfus claims this is what Heidegger meant with the term nihilism. Further, Heidegger believed that the West's focus on the technological domination of nature had forced us into this state of nihilism. Our culture is suffering from our focus on precise, technical language and its goal of technologically dominating nature for the perpetuation of man. John Gray, too, believes that both Heidegger and Nietzsche used the term nihilism in this way: "As I understand it, the hollowing out of the public culture of modern Western societies of their animating conceptions of science and morality is at least part of what Nietzsche means by 'nihilism'." (Enlightenment's Wake, 245). To put it even more strongly, Heidegger and Gray believe that nihilism is the logical conclusion of the West's commitment to science and the technological domination of nature: "It is in the global reach of this Western nihilism, as mediated through the technology whereby Western people have sought to appropriate the non-human world, that the last phase of the modern age is accomplished. In this last period of modernity, Western instrumental reason becomes globalized at just the historic moment when its groundlessness is manifest" (Ibid., 249). I, therefore, have been somewhat misguided in my claims that the word nihilism should denote a method. For nihilism is something quite different and serious: it is the fear that our culture and way of life is without foundation. That our commitment to science and technology has 'hollowed out' our culture, left us with an unsustainable way of life and no foreseeable way out of it. Nihilism is about an existential dead end.

There are many questions to ask about this sense of the word nihilism. I intend to ask four interrelated questions. Does nihilism really have something to do with science, technology, and the West's commitment to the use of reason? If so, what did the West's logocentrism do to our traditional, more religious, ways of life? What came about to replace those religious forms of life? And is there any use in attempting to recapture what Western nihilism has destroyed? That is to ask, is there any value in returning to a more ritualistic, mystical, and non-rational way of being? Four questions, four sections. 

In asking these questions I am trying to understand in some kind of way why my life is the way it is. In particular, I want to understand why I feel so removed from the concept of community. It is never something I feel like has been a part of my life. I want to know why. So the operative question of this essay is: What does nihilism as a cultural phenomenon have to do with my relationship to the notion of community? This entails two larger questions, both pertaining to Collingwood’s definitions of magic and amusement.

2. Nihilism and Logocentrism

The first thing I need to clarify is the relationship between nihilism and logocentrism. Is there a definite relationship between nihilism and logocentrism? Does the collapse of our way of life have something to do with our commitment to reason? I have already briefly used Gray and Heidegger to make this point. But now I’d like to draw on some different sources. 

Guy Claxton is insistent that the West is addicted to language and rational thought. In his Hare Brain Tortoise Mind Claxton argues that the West has developed an addiction to highly articulate, linguistic modes of thought. “We have been inadvertently trapped,” Claxton asserts, “in a single mode of mind that is characterised by information-gathering, intellect and impatience, one that requires you to be explicit, articulate, purposeful and to show your reasoning. We are thus committed (and restricted) to those ways of knowing that can function in such a high-speed mental climate: predominantly those that use language (or other symbol systems) as a medium and deliberation as a method. As a culture we are, in consequence, very good at solving analytic and technological problems” (Claxton, 6). For Claxton there is an element of logocentrism that is inseparable from the West’s cultural heritage. He claims that this logocentrism, which he calls d-mode (with the d meaning both deliberation and default), can be traced back to philosophers like Descartes or Locke. These philosophers claimed that the only true form of thought was rational, linguistic thought. The West, therefore developed an addiction to linguistic and rational forms of thought.

Wendell Berry, too, believes that the West has developed an addiction to technical language. Moreover, Berry believes that this logocentrism leads to a sort of nihilism, to the disillusion of individuals and communities. Berry believes that logocentrism is dangerous because it leads to “the cultivation of discrete parts without respect or responsibility for the whole” (Standing By Words, 34). In other words, scientific or technical language forces us to artificially demarcate the world. This artificial demarcation gives us a distorted sense of the world. It leads us to believe that our analytical world is the only world, leading us into a state of self-deception in which our technical language in no way reflects the reality of our communities. “People speaking out of this technological willingness,” Berry argues, “cannot speak precisely, for what they are talking about does not yet exist. They cannot mean what they say because their words are avowedly speculative. They cannot stand by their words because they are talking about, if not in, the future, where they are not standing and cannot stand until long after they have spoken. All the grand and perfect dreams of technologists are happening in the future, but nobody is there” (Ibid., 60). Technical language forces us into a delusional state in which we only account for a highly limited part of the world. 

This delusional logocentrism, Berry believes, ends in nihilism: it leads to the destruction of individuals, communities, and, most importantly, the language that sustains them. Technical language aims to remove itself from the community that gave rise to it. Specialization forces us to ignore the context in which a language grew up in favor of treating it as a self-contained system. Specialization invites us to analyze a topic as if it had no relationship to the larger world of individuals and communities. When language is separated from communal living, he claims, it  becomes “a paltry work of conscious purpose, at the service and the mercy of expedient aims” (Standing By Words, 33). Berry is very explicit on this point. There is no doubt that he believes that specialized language “attempts to detach language from its source in communal experience, by making it arbitrary in origin and provisional in use. And this may be a ‘realistic’ way of ‘accepting’ the degradation of community life. The task, I think, is hopeless, and it shows the extremes of futility that academic specialization can lead to. If one wishes to promote the life of language, one must promote the life of the community” (Standing By Words, 33-34). There seems to be an undeniable connection between logocentrism, the specialization of language, and the collapse of communities and individuals. 

Using Claxton and Berry, therefore, I can corroborate Heidegger and Gray’s argument that nihilism as a the cultural hollowing out of the West is a direct result of our commitment to science, reason, and the technological domination of nature. In short, The West’s nihilism is a result of our addiction to rational inquiry and the specialization of language. But why is this the case? What is it about logocentrism that would lead to nihilism? 

3. Nihilism, Logocentrism, and the Destruction of Magic

I think one of the largest effects of nihilism and logocentrism is the collapse of religious forms of social organization. Further, I believe that the collapse of religious ways of life followed from the rise of the West’s logocentric culture. I think this simply because of all the struggles that took place between rational scientific knowledge and the church. I’m just thinking of folks like Copernicus, Galileo, or Darwin. People making discoveries so large they challenged all the basic assumptions that religious ways of life presupposed. The discovery of solar systems, deep time, or evolution will really shake some things up. As evidence for these claims I’ll offer Gray’s argument that “It may be that the status of science as the sole remaining accreditor of knowledge in Western cultures prevents them from perceiving the wholly pragmatic and instrumental practice it has now become” (Enlightenment’s Wake, 275). In other words, science has gained a monopoly on knowledge only to become an emotionless practice that is sapping the West’s culture energy, leading it into a state of nihilism. In the very next line, however, Gray also claims that modern Christianity would also fail to solve the problem: “It may be that the humanist character of Christianity closes off for Western cultures any form of spirituality in which human hopes are not comforted and confirmed” (Ibid.). Nihilism has broken the mental order that existed prior to the intense development of rational knowledge. There is no going back, rational knowledge has largely divorced itself from religious experience.

Collingwood, too, believes that there was some kind of rupture in Western consciousness that began during the Renaissance. He claims that prior to this break individuals were able to achieve a greater ‘unity of mind’. That is to say, “No mental activity, for him, existed in its own right and for itself. Art was always working hand in hand with religion, religion hand in hand with philosophy” (Speculum Mentis, 27). This unity of mind, however, was to be broken, and we are the inheritor’s of this scattered experience. Collingwood puts this historical sketch very clearly: "The middle ages thus represent, in their spiritual life, a mind content with its lot, at peace with itself, growing in sun and shower like a tree, hardly seeking ‘to know the law whereby it prospers so’; the Renaissance represents the same mind coming to a new consciousness of the depth and seriousness of life, realizing that it must choose its vocation, making its choice and thus breaking with the easy life of compromise when it could be in fancy, like a dreaming boy, everything at once.  Henceforth all is disunion. Priests and artists and scientists no longer live together peaceably, either uniting these functions in one single individual or at least combining them without thought of friction in a single organism; it is now a war of all against all, art against philosophy and both against religion. Henceforth no man can serve two masters; he must give his whole soul to art, or to religion, or to philosophy, and in choosing his friends he chooses at the same time his enemies" (Ibid., 33). This is clearly a huge generalization and real historical study would reveal all kinds of interactions between these experiences after the Renaissance. The point, however, is still vital and undeniable: traditional, religious, total forms of spiritual experience have been forever scattered by the pursuit of rational knowledge. We are stuck in some nihilistic mindset that refuses the unity of mind.

Slavoj Zizek, too, believes that we live in conditions that fosters  divided minds and communities. In Violence Zizek quotes a review of Michel Houellebecq’s novels. A review said that Houellebecq’s novels depicted the failure of love in the modern West due to “the collapse of religion and tradition, the unrestrained worship of pleasure and youth, the prospect of a future totalized by scientific rationality and joylessness” (Violence, 35). The collapse of religious ways of life has left us in a ‘postmodern’ existence, Zizek claims. Further, the character of our world can be characterized as ‘atonal’, that is, we “lack the intervention of a Master-Signifier to impose meaningful order into the confused multiplicity of reality” (Ibid., 34). For a long time religion served as a meaningful Master-Signifier: it could assert that this is how it is, this simply the tradition that we follow. And it worked for some time. Our culture, however, has driven itself to the point “that it tries to dispense with this agency of the ordering Master-Signifier: the complexity of the world needs to be asserted unconditionally. Every Master-Signifier meant to impose some order on it must be deconstructed, dispersed....” (Ibid., 35). Zizek, too, supports these ideas. Western logocentrism has driven us into a cultural nihilism, destroying religion and most other Master-Signifiers that are the foundation of any community. 

Gray, Collingwood, and Zizek, therefore, all agree that the growth of Western science led to the collapse of religious ways of life and the appearance of  nihilistic, fractured, and atonal individuals and communities. Religious and traditional ways of life were literally analyzed into destruction. The relationship between nihilism, logocentrism, and the destruction of traditional, religious ways of life should thus be clear.

The thing I’d like to do now, however, is to ask the question: What precisely was lost in the conversion from religion to nihilism? In order to understand why nihilism is so destructive we must understand what precisely it destroyed. But I cannot simply refer to ‘religion’ and ‘tradition’, those terms are too imprecise. As we saw, Gray believes that modern religion, too, has been hollowed out and ceased to be a source of meaningful experience for the masses. So this is not simply a matter of religion. Religion, too, has succumb to nihilism. What we must understand, then, is what religion once accomplished but no longer can. What were the practical benefits of religion, how was it able to organize the existence of individuals and communities? I believe that what religion lost was its capacity to general ‘magical’ experiences for people. What I mean by magic, however, is complex and entirely influenced by Collingwood’s definition of the term.

In The Principles Of Art Collingwood claims that art proper must be distinguished from magical art. For Collingwood, magic is a form of representation that is intended to arouse certain emotions that are practically useful in daily life. When we think of magic we think of think of modern magicians and their illusions. But that is not magic. That is illusion and amusement. Magic is a form of practical ritual, it is a form of representation that is meant to create the emotional energy required for daily living. Collingwood couldn’t be clearer. “Magic,” he argues, “is a representation where the emotion evoked is an emotion valued on account of its function in practical life, evoked in order that it may discharge that function, and fed by the generative or focusing magical activity into the practical life that needs it.  Magical activity is a kind of dynamo supplying the mechanism of practical life with the emotional current that drives it” (The Principles Of Art, 68-69). Let me make this abstract defintion clearer with a few examples.

I’ll quote a few of Collingwood’s important examples: that of rain dances in native American culture, and that of religion and sport in Western culture. Collingwood claims that when we observe a native American performing a rain dance we cannot assume that the individual really believes that their dance is going to produce rain. Instead, we must ask “whether the real function of rain-making magic, so called, may not be to cheer up the cultivator and induce him to work harder, rain or no rain” (Ibid., 68). Western religion, Collingwood argues, often served a similar purpose. It was a way for communities to focus its emotions by engaging in a ritual, a form of representation that everyone partakes in. He says that the purpose of “hymns and ceremonies and rituals” is obvious: Their “function is to evoke, and constantly re-evoke, certain emotions whose discharge is to be effected in the activities of everyday life” (Ibid., 72). Magic, therefore, is not to be thought of as requiring one form or another, but as amore general category that encompasses any form of representation that is meant to produce emotions that are practically useful in daily living. For example, Collingwood believes that Marxism at one time served a ‘magical’ purpose. He believes that in Marxism and other “historical schemes...” we see they “have an important magical value, as providing a focus for emotions and in consequence an incentive to action” (The Idea Of History, 266). Magic, thus, is a common social phenomenon that is vital to the existence of any healthy community. What it really boils down to is that “in warfare or woodcraft, nothing can be done without morale; and the function of magic is to develop and conserve moral; or to damage it” (The Principles Of Art, 67). We best take magic seriously, because our emotions could use a bit more focusing these days.

The collapse of magical experience, and not simply the decline of ‘religious or traditional’ ways of life, I claim, is the real problem that nihilism presents us with. It is not that we need to return to religious ways of life, because as Gray argues, religion, too, has become emotionally bankrupt. What we need is ways to organize our communities, we need forms of representation that focus our emotions in ways that help us build strong lives and relationships. Collingwood, too, agrees that our society has not simply lost touch with religion, but has become hostile towards magic as he defines it: “Hence magic is a necessity for every sort and condition of man, and is actually found in every healthy society. A society which thinks, as our own thinks, that it has outlived the need of magic, is either mistaken in that opinion, or else it is a dying society, perishing for lack of interest in its own maintenance” (The Principles Of Art, 69). The West is suffering from its rejection of magical tradition. 

The decline of magic, I believe, is an outcome of our logocentric culture. We believe that if we can simply come up with the perfect social model, if we can just create the right laws and system of government, then society will fall into order. But no, this is not the case. Because people are not rational beings that should be appealed to through logic and codified laws. People need to engage in rituals that focus their emotions. Magic, as Collingwood said, is an essential part of a healthy society. Zizek corroborates this claim that the modern fixation on law and codification, the West’s logocentrism, has led to an emotionally bankrupt society. Zizek points to the European Union’s failure to arouse a cultural or emotional loyalty. The Left’s commitment to administration, and not passion, has led us to a position in which no one has any emotional commitment to the EU: The “European project... fails to enflame the passions...” because “it is ultimately a project of administration, not of ideological commitment” (In Defense Of Lost Causes, 101). In other words, the EU and other modern societies’ commitment to administration (logocentrism) has destroyed our connection to magical experience. We no longer have communal rituals that can ‘enflame the passions’ and create commitments to political causes. Our emphasis on law and administration, undoubtedly a result of the Enlightenment project, has destroyed our capacity to magically organize society.

The main outcome of nihilism that we must reckon with, therefore, is not the collapse of religious ways of life, but the West’s gradual disconnect from magic. We must deal with the fact that the West no longer engages in forms of representation that are able to focus communal emotions and actions. We must attempt to recover magical-aesthetic forms of experience. How we can go about recovering those forms of experience, is what I’ll be exploring in the final section of this essay. Before I do ask that question, however, I must ask: If we have lost touch with magical experience, what has stepped in to replace it? If our time is no longer being spent in magical rituals, where is it being spent? What has replaced magic? My answer is simple: amusement has replaced magic. 

4. Magic’s Destruction and the Rise Of Amusement

I intend to make good the claim that the void left by nihilism’s destruction of magic was filled by amusement. That is to say, that the collapse of meaningful ritual led to an addiction to amusement, to an unhealthy relationship with entertainment. We have gone, in short, from relatively healthy communities to bread and circuses. By amusement I mean a form of representation that is meant to be enjoyed in itself, with no practical benefit, and with potential negative affects on daily life. Just as I drew on Collingwood’s discussion of magic, I am also drawing on his discussion of amusement.

In The Principles Of Art Collingwood wishes to disentangle art proper from amusement art. Moreover, he offers a critique of the West’s relationship with amusement, arguing that our addiction to amusement is a symptom of a social/mental disease. Collingwood’s concern with amusement thus has implications for the health of society as a whole. Before I explore the role of amusement in society I must provide an adequate definition and examples of amusement. 

Amusement art is similar to magical art in that it is a form of representation that is intended to arouse specific emotions in a person. In magical art, the emotions produced are of practical benefit to daily life. In amusement art, however, the emotions produced are only enjoyed while one experiences them, and are of little or no practical benefit. Collingwood is very clear on this distinction: “Magic is useful, in the sense that the motions it excites have a practical function in the affairs of every day; amusement is not useful but only enjoyable, because there is a watertight bulkhead between its world and the world of common affairs. The emotions generated by amusement run their course within this watertight compartment” (The Principles Of Art, 78). This distinction, of course, is ideal, and in real life there will be a variety of instances that fall somewhere along this spectrum. But it is important to recognize that the emotions aroused by piece of representation are either more or less useful in practical life. Collingwood claims that if a day of engaging in amusement provides a sort of emotional renewal it can indeed be of practical benefit. He says that sometimes he struggles to write and likes to garden or sail instead, do things that he finds enjoyable. He says that perhaps he “may get back to the book feeling fresh and energetic, with my staleness gone. In that case my day off turned out to be not amusement but recreation. The difference between them consists in the debit or credit effect they produce on the emotional energy available for practical life” (Ibid., 95). Thus amusement’s hallmark is that it produces emotions that are experienced in a ‘watertight bulkhead’ in which they are discharged, thus contributing nothing to the emotional energy necessary for daily life.

Collingwood believes that a society’s relationship to amusement says a lot about the health of that society. Collingwood argues that the rapid growth of the amusement industry signifies the onset of a moral disease: "Amusement becomes a danger to practical life when the debt it imposes on these stores of energy is too great to be paid off in the ordinary course of living.  When this reaches a point of crisis, practical life, or ‘real’ life, becomes emotionally bankrupt; a state of things which we describe by speaking of intolerable dullness or calling it drudgery.  A moral disease has set in, whose symptoms are a constant craving for amusement and an inability to take any interest in the affairs of ordinary life, the necessary work of livelihood and social routine.  A person in whom the disease has become chronic is a person with a more or less settled conviction that amusement is the only thing that makes life worth living. A society in which the disease is endemic is one in which most people feel some such conviction most of the time" (Ibid.) A society that is addicted to amusement is thus a society that has become dissatisfied with the conditions it has created for itself. It would be accurate to say that an amusement society is a nihilistic society, it has reached a cultural dead end and no longer possesses the practices that would allow it renew its stores of emotional energy. 

Collingwood is most radical on this point while discussing the advent of pornography and sex as a form of amusement. He asserts that representations of sexuality in the West exist primarily for amusement, and that most of it is “an appeal to the sexual emotions of the audience, not in order to stimulate these emotions for actual commerce between the sexes, but in order to provide them with make-believe objects and thus divert them for their practical goal in the interests of amusement” (Ibid., 84). It is true that pornography is everywhere, way more than it was in Collingwood’s time, but he was concerned about it even in 1937. The proliferation of pornography and sex as amusement, he claims, “reveal a society in which sexual passion has so far decayed as to have become no longer a god, as for the Greeks, or a devil, as for the early Christians, but a toy: a society where the instinctive desire to propagate has been weakened by a sense that life, as we have made it, is not worth living, and where our deepest wish is to have no posterity” (Ibid., 85). Clearly Collingwood believes that our commitment to amusement is the symptom of a moral disease, of a deep dissatisfaction with the nature of our societies. Amusement and cultural nihilism seem to go hand in hand.

To corroborate this claim Collingwood turns to historical analogy. He claims that the downfall of Roman civilization could be seen in their relationship to amusement. “The critical moment,” he argues, “was reached when Rome created an urban proletariat whose only function was to eat free bread and watch free shows. This meant the segregation of an entire class which had no work to do whatever; no positive function in society, whether economic or military or administrative or intellectual or religious; only the business of being supported and being amused” (Ibid., 99). The important thing to note here is that an addiction to amusement can set in when an individual lacks an obligation to the state or their community. Amusement is enticing when one serves no purpose in a society. And once amusement sets in, it can take over a society: “Once a class had been created whose only interest lay in amusement, it acted as an abscess which by degrees drew away all emotional energies from the affairs of real life. Nothing could arrest the spread of amusement;....” (Ibid.). Collingwood admits that historical parallels are ‘blind guides’. But he finds the comparison with Rome to being “alarmingly close” to our own situation (Ibid., 102). 

We, too, have become dissatisfied with the state of our society and have begun to rely increasingly more on amusement. He believes that this “same disease is notoriously endemic among ourselves.” And that: "its symptoms are the unprecedented growth of the amusement trade, to meet what has become an insatiable craving; an almost universal agreement that the kinds of work on which the existence of a civilization like ours most obviously depends (notably the work of industrial operatives and the clerical staff in business of every kind, and even that of the agricultural labourers and other food-winners who are the prime against in the maintenance of every civilization hitherto existing) is an intolerable drudgery; the discovery that what makes this intolerable is not the pinch of poverty or bad housing or disease but the nature of the work itself in the conditions our civilization has created...." (Ibid., 96). The role of amusement in society, is therefore of great political importance. It shows us how the average member of society relates to their way of life.  Are we satisfied with our means to subsistence, or is it ‘drudgery’? Do we have means of creating for ourselves the emotional energy necessary for the business of society? Or has amusement overtaken us? Moreover, Collingwood makes it clear that our addiction to amusement has something to do with industrial capitalism. He claims that ‘industrial operatives’ and ‘clerical staff in business of every kind’ feel their work to be an ‘intolerable drudgery’. In Collingwood’s analysis of amusement, therefore, I find a way to corroborate my claim that nihilism’s destruction of magic led to the rise of a culture of amusement. 

In Empire Of Illusion Chris Hedges makes a near identical argument about contemporary America. He argues that the American political-economy has plunged our society into an addiction to amusement. Hedges believes that the most important elements of our culture have been systematically perverted by our socio-economic system. Our amusement culture, our “cult of distraction,” Hedges claims, “masks the real disintegration of culture. It conceals the meaninglessness and emptiness of our own lives. It seduces us to engage in imitative consumption. It deflects the moral questions arising from mounting social injustice, growing inequalities, costly imperial wars, economic collapse, and political corruption” (Hedges, 38). Unfettered capitalism has ravaged our communities and our identities to the point that we can no longer face reality. We are living, Hedges believes, in an empire of illusion, in a world in which our major institutions and pastimes have all been hollowed out by capitalist culture. Hedges argues that literacy, love, wisdom, happiness, and the nation itself have all been reduced to mere amusement and distraction. That is to say, television and spectacle have destroyed our faith in the importance of reading; pornography has come to dominate our conceptions of love and sex; our educational institutions have been transformed into economic training grounds, leaving liberal education in shambles; a whole branch of psychology now exists that tells people to strive for happiness, encouraging them to ignore real inequalities in their lives; and finally, that ‘America’ no longer exists, it is now ruled by an oligarchy, and the “words consent of the governed have become an empty phrase” (Hedges, 142). With illusion all around us, we have little choice but to give in. We partake in amusement to numb ourselves. Action in this world seems so difficult. It is so much easier to merely distract yourself. “The success of professional wrestling, like most of the entertainment that envelops our culture,” Hedges claims, “lies not in fooling us that these stories are real. Rather, it succeeds because we ask to be fooled. We happily pay for the chance to suspend reality. The wrestlers, like all celebrities, become our vicarious selves” (Hedges, 5-6). In short, Hedges believes that our capitalist culture has destroyed our communities and identities, leaving us with little choice but to amuse and distract ourselves.

Hedges argument is easily rendered in the terms of nihilism that I developed at the beginning of this essay. It is clear that Hedges blames the rise of amusement culture on technological-capitalism, which is inherently logocentric. Furthermore, given that I already established the link between nihilism, logocentrism, and industrial-capitalism, it is easy to say that nihilism has indeed led from the destruction of magical ways of living into a culture of amusement. 

Not only is distraction symptomatic of our capitalist culture, it is now embedded in the technology that we use everyday. In particular, cell phones, smart phones, and the internet all encourage us to lead distracted, amusement saturated lives. In The Shallows Nicholas Carr argues that the internet as a medium inclines us to engage material in a distracted, shallow way. His starting point is Marshal McCluhan’s famous phrase ‘the medium is the message’, which means that the way we perceive something, the form in which we access information, is just as important, if not more important, than the actual content we access. It means that form is more important than content, because form always colors the content in a certain way. Carr extrapolates form this idea to develop the notion of an ‘intellectual ethic’. He argues that every piece of technology, every ‘tool of the mind’, contains certain assumptions about how the mind does or should work. The piece of technology, in turn, then encourages the mind to work in that way. The map, for example, assumes that humans wish to engage with space in certain ways, and in turn effects the way that we engage with space. In short, a piece of technology will never passively provide us with information, it will always actively change the way that we perceive things.

The internet, Carr claims, offers us a dangerous intellectual ethic. The main thing the internet encourages, he argues, is distracted, shallow engagement. Carr points to the type of impatience that is implicit in the internet’s design. The existence of tabs, the fact that our e-mails automatically update once every minute, that hyperlinks are littered on every page, shows that the intellectual ethic of the internet is one of shallow, quick engagement. In other words, the internet inclines us to be distracted. Furthermore, this type of distracted engagement is supported by companies like Google, who purposefully design their pages to get us clicking as many links as fast as possible. Every time a sponsored link is clicked Google makes money. Our largest search engine is economically inclined to make us more distracted. To make our attention more divided. Moving us from link to link, window to window, tab to tab more quickly.

The internet thus appears to be the ultimate technology of a distracted, nihilistic culture. If the hallmark of our society is the collapse of magic and the rise of amusement, then the internet is our new church. It is the ultimate distraction machine for a supremely amused society. Nihilism, in the sense of a dead-end distracted culture with dying stores of emotional energy, emanates from the internet itself. 

We are a diseased culture. Technological nihilism has destroyed magical ritual, leaving us with far fewer means of emotional renewal. As a result, we have lapsed into perpetual distraction, endless amusement for a dying way of life. Collingwood, Hedges, and Carr make this point undeniable. There is something going on in our political-economic system, something in our relationship to technology and logocentrism, that has driven us into a state of constant distraction. We must recognize that our way of life has undermined itself. Our logocentric, nihilistic culture has driven us into an addiction to amusement. That is what I have said in this section.

Allow me to summarize the argument thus far and prepare for the concluding section. I have been arguing that our culture has discovered itself to be on a dead-end track, that we have exhausted our sources of emotional renewal, and that this state is best described as nihilism. I then  followed Heidegger and Gray in their claim that nihilistic culture emerged out of the Enlightenment Project’s commitment to rational inquiry. That is to say, the Enlightenment project bequeathed to us a logocentric culture, one that values, above all, rational language, scientific inquiry, and the technological domination of nature. Cultural nihilism emerged from the Enlightenment’s logocentrism. It has been said that this logocentrism led to the destruction of religious or ‘traditional’ ways of life. It is more accurate to say, however, that logocentrism destroyed magical forms of experience, that is, rituals and practices that serve as practical ways for communities and individuals to focus their emotions. I then argued that the cultural vacuum left by nihilism’s destruction of magic was filled by an addiction to distraction and amusement. Many thinkers have helped me along the way. In short, our logocentric culture destroyed our sources of emotional renewal and left us instead with proliferating forms of amusement. I now hope to make an argument about a cultural recovery. I think that if we are to overcome our nihilistic addiction to amusement we must find new ways of thinking and relating. And I think those new ways are to be found in aesthetic-magical forms of experience. I will now propound this idea that we must recover these ways of thinking, feeling, and knowing.  

5. Conclusion: On Recovering Aesthetic-Magical Experience as Embracing Uncertainty

My goal in this essay has been to explain how logocentric culture has destroyed our capacity for these aesthetic and magical experiences. Having arrived at a tentative diagnosis of my situation, I am now proposing a cure: the recovery of aesthetic and magical forms of experience with the goal of arriving at a more unified mind, one that is, above all, comfortable with not knowing. I am explicitly collaborating with Collingwood’s project in Speculum Mentis: “What is wrong with us,” he claimed, “is precisely the detachment of these forms of experience–art, religion, and the rest–from one another; and our cure can only be their reunion in a complete and undivided life. Our task is to seek for that life, to build up the conception of an activity which is at once art, and religion, and science, and the rest” (Speculum Mentis, 36). As I showed above, Collingwood believed that the modern era, with its logocentric spirit of rational inquiry, scattered our experiences, forcing us to choose one form of knowledge over another. I, too, seek a reunion of forms of knowledge. I wish to possess a unity of mind. And seeing as how I grew up in a world saturated with scientific, philosophical, and historical knowledge, the task is thus to reintroduce aesthetic and magical forms of experience into my constellation of knowledge. Moreover, beyond this individual unity of mind, the recovery of aesthetic and magical experience might serve as a way of reinvigorating Western political culture. This is the possibility that I now intend to explore. How the recovery of these forms of experience can be both personally useful and politically important. 

There are two reasons that the recovery of aesthetic and magical experience is important. The first one I mentioned above: the attainment of a unified mind. The second reason, however, follows from the unity of mind, yet would have consequences at the cultural as well as the individual level. For the greatest benefit of the recovery of these forms of experience is that they are forms of knowledge that are compatible with, even encourage, not knowing. That is to say, our logocentric culture only values forms of knowledge that lead to clear argument and certainty, however flimsy that certainty might be. To reacquaint ourselves with uncertainty, therefore, may have some serious benefits both in our individual lives and in our culture. The recovery of aesthetic and magic experience is thus about re-familiarizing ourselves with uncertainty. 

Several authors have claimed that our logocentric culture has left is with an unwillingness to embrace uncertainty. We have a cultural fixation on knowing and being certain. This is because one of the hallmarks of logocentrism is analytical division: we create distinct disciplines, we segregate forms of knowledge, we create analytical distinctions. The analytical distinctions made by logocentrism, further, greatly favor rational, scientific knowledge. Logocentrism, moreover, is distrustful of forms of experience that cannot be easily analyzed, such as aesthetic and religious experience. These analytical distinctions, while more ideal than actual, infiltrate our minds and create experiential divisions. That is to say, we experience things differently based on the social ideas that structure that experience. Our minds, therefore, are far more inclined to experience things in terms of science, philosophy, and other forms of rational knowledge, while ignoring more affective experiences like aesthetics, religion, and magic. The analytical conclusions we reach, however, may be entirely inaccurate. But our comfort with rational thought may lead us to merely believe these quick conclusions, ignoring the problem of uncertainty. 

In other words, the nihilistic culture that emerged out of the Enlightenment has to no patience or capacity for dealing with uncertainty. We are addicted to articulate and superficial knowledge. Or, as Guy Claxton argues, “the Enlightenment view of the mind is in urgent need of moderation” because “Its lopsided adherence to explicit, deliberate, conscious reason as the acme of intelligence is flawed” (The Wayward Mind, 357). Furthermore, this logocentrism leads to things like “a kind of flimsy political culture in which no one ever has the time or the inclination not to know, and so buying and selling jumped-to conclusions becomes a substitute for thinking” (Ibid., 358). John Gray makes a similar point at the end  of his essay ‘Enlightenment’s Wake’. He, too, believes that our culture has lost touch with uncertainty, and can only engage in forms of thought that are deceptively certain. He claims that “the calculative and representational mode of thinking which philosophy has privileged in modern times is now so hegemonic that the cultural space is lacking in which an alternative mode of thought might occur” (Enlightenment’s Wake, 275). One of the greatest casualties of the Enlightenment is therefore our capacity for dealing with uncertainty. Instead, we cling to superficially articulate reason.

So we can see how our logocentric culture would naturally lead to discomfort with uncertainty and an addiction to seemingly rational forms of thought. The logical response for me can only be an attempt to recover forms of experience that embrace uncertainty. As I’ve been saying, we must seek this type of comfort in aesthetic, magical, and potentially religious thinking. Claxton, Gray, and Wendell Berry all agree with me on this point. As Claxton argues in Hare Brain Tortoise Mind, “our culture has come to ignore and undervalue” slower, less certain modes of thought. We have come to “treat them as marginal or merely recreational, and in so doing has foreclosed on areas of our psychological resources that we need. Just like the computer, the Western mind has come to adopt as its ‘default mode’ just one of its possible modes of knowing: d-mode. (The ‘d’ can stand for ‘default’ as well as ‘deliberation’.)” (4). According to Claxton, we must try to recover different ways of thinking. We must recover less certain modes of thought. Ideally, we would cultivate the habit of being “relaxed, leisurely and playful; willing to explore without knowing what [we] are looking for. [Of seeing] ignorance and confusion as the ground for which understanding may spring” (Ibid., 13). Claxton identifies these less certain forms of thought with aesthetics and with buddhism. He claims that Buddhism is the world religion that most strongly believes that wisdom emerges from unconscious, uncertain modes of thought. Similarly, artists and poets are “comfortable setting out on a journey of discovery without the reassurance of knowing in advance where they were going” (Ibid., 84). 

Gray, too, argues that the antidote to our logocentric culture must be found in forms of experience that are properly aesthetic or religious. Gray asserts that we have no way to think of ethics as a process akin to aesthetics, that “Western cultures are so deeply imbued with rationalism that they cannot tolerate a conception of ethics, for example, in which it is an aspect of the art of life, not to be distinguished categorically from prudence or aesthetics in its character, in which it shares with these practical arts a provisional character, and local variability, which sits uncomfortably with both Socratic and Christian conceptions which are now elements in the common sense self-understanding of our civilization” (Enlightenment’s Wake, 274-275). The ethical life, just like a work of art, must be adaptable, creative, and uncertain. The ethical life must be artistic in that it must set out on an uncertain journey of expression and exploration. This is why Gray’s work “embodies the wager that another mode of thinking – found in some varieties of poetry and mysticism, for example – can assert itself against the domination of the forms of thought privileged by both science and philosophy in Western cultures. It is with these humiliated modes of thought that the prospect of cultural recovery... lies. Only if the ground of Western cultures can renew itself through such modes of thought can any practical measure have lasting effect” (Ibid., 275). Gray’s argument strikes at the heart of what I am talking about. He so clearly grasps the importance of overcoming cultural nihilism through a recovery of humiliated modes of thought, those aesthetic and magical forms of thinking. For Gray, this may be one of the only ways to save the West from “further hollowing out into nihilism, with eventual dissolution – or, worse, replication throughout the world as instruments of technological nihilism – being their fate” (Ibid.). The wager is that we can escape nihilism through a return to aesthetics and magic.

Wendell Berry makes a similar argument, claiming that Western culture needs to reacquaint itself with the most important elements of religion. Chief among religions uses, Berry argues, is that it makes sure there is always a boundary of mystery that encompasses our rational thoughts about ourselves and the world around us. In other words, religion is useful because it forces us to reckon with life “in as large a context as possible–to see, in fact, that the account is never ‘closed.’ Religion forces that accountant to reckon with mystery.... It forces the accounting outside of every enclosure that it might be internal to. Practically, this... means that all ‘answers’ must be worked out within a limit of humility and restraint, so that the initiative to act would always imply a knowing acceptance of accountability for the results” (Standing By Words, 49). Religion forces us to grapple with the limits of our knowledge and the impossibility of ever really knowing. It pushes us to embrace uncertainty. Even though modern religions speak so dogmatically, I still think that this might be true. In either case, it is a powerful ideal, one worth striving for. We should always be trying to take account of more, to face the mystery of the world and act as responsibly as possible from the largest perspective possible. This is what aesthetic, magical, and religious thinking can do for me. 

Beyond the fact that art, magic, and religion share this attitude that welcomes uncertainty,  there is a deeper continuity that connects these forms of thinking. According to Collingwood, the imagination is responsible for all three of these forms of knowledge. The artist, the magician, and the religious person, however, differ in the way that they regard the products of their imagination. “The artist,” Collingwood argues, “is an irresponsible child who feels himself at liberty to say exactly what comes into his head and unsay it again without fear of correction or disapproval.  He tells himself what story he likes and then, at the bidding of a whim, ‘scatters the vision for ever’.  In religion, all this irresponsibility has gone. His vision is for the religious man no toy to make and mar at will; it is the truth, the very truth itself. The actual object of imagination, which in art obscurely means a truth that cannot be clearly stated, in religion is that truth itself....” (Speculum Mentis, 112). In other words, religion is the aesthetic experience elevated to the level of truth. Magic occupies a sort of middle ground in which a work of art is not merely expressive, yet does not represent pure truth. Rather, magic is the imagination used for its practical benefits. For Collingwood there is a definite continuity between aesthetics, magic, and religious experience. And the imagination, the ‘cutting edge of the mind’, is this continuity. It seems that the type of attitude I’m describing can properly be called an imaginative life. The goal is to recover the forms of experience that are most imaginative, most comfortable with uncertainty, and lead to the most creative decision making. 

The return to aesthetic and magical forms of thought is thus an attempt to overcome nihilism by embracing life’s uncertainty. It is an attempt to improve our ability to make ethical decisions by finding ways to remember that we never really know what we are doing. And these ways of not knowing, I believe, are to be found in art, magic, and religion (in an unusual sense of the term). This type of ethics is to be found in humble and imaginative forms of thought that operate at the frontiers of the mind’s knowledge. Moreover, Gray believes that a return to these modes of thought may be the only way for a Western political recovery. There is something vital in this recovery of tentative, uncertain knowledge. We must learn to operate at the frontiers of our thinking. Because our culture hardly allows such thinking to take place. We like clear, definite answers. We don’t entertain uncertainty or daydreaming. We are closed off to many forms of knowledge. John Gray claims that his work is an attempt at ‘releasement’, “which encompasses an openness to ultimate danger, to the contingency and morality not only of human cultures and of other living things, but also of the earth itself” (Gray, 276). We must overcome nihilism by embracing past forms of experience, such as aesthetics, magic, and religion. We need to regain our familiarity with the uncertain and scary frontiers of thought. Yet so much stands in the way of the recovery of these forms of knowledge.

I can identify two obstacles to the recovery of aesthetic and magical forms of experience. The first is what I can call the specialization of art. By which I mean that art is something that people believe to be done by experts, something with very little connection to the ordinary affairs of life. The second lies in the notion of ‘recovery’ itself. It is dangerous to speak of returning to a former way of life. The idea of a better, ‘simpler time’, is the hallmark of radical conservative movements. Further, you run the risk of misrepresenting the past and creating a mere simulacra. Thus I need to find a way to speak of recovery and yet avoid conservatism, and the danger of simulacra.

One major obstacle to this conception of aesthetic-magical ethics is that art is something that is now regarded as the business of experts. People have a hard time imagining how aesthetics could have something to do with everyday morality because they think that art requires special training, that artists are experts in the use of language or paint or clay. This resulted from the specialization of other disciplines, which withdrew from aesthetics, leaving is as “the proper ‘field’ for artists” (Berry, Standing By Words, 5). The specialization of other disciplines thus forced the artist to constitute himself as an expert. The led, according to Berry, to the break down between aesthetics and morality which had once been taken for granted. Berry claims that “it remains true that the poet is isolated and specialized and that the old union of beauty, goodness, and truth is broken” (Ibid.). Logocentrism thus forced aesthetics into a new position, just as it did with magic and religion. “In reaction to the utilitarianism of other disciplines,” Berry argues, “the arts became defiantly nonutilitarian” ( Ibid.). Art loses its moral implications, and rather becomes the business of obscure and professionally trained artists. Foucault, too, believes that the specialization of art has destroyed the moral implications that aesthetics once possessed. “What strikes me,....” he said in a 1982 interview, “is the fact that in our society, art has become something which is related only to objects and not to individuals, or to life. That art is something which is specialized or which is done by experts who are artists. But couldn’t everyone’s life become a work of art? Why should the lamp or the house be an art object, but not our life?” (Foucault Reader, 350). This specialization of of art has certainly decoupled aesthetics and morality, and has reduced the social function of art. 

The poet, Berry argues, is no longer able to connect or sympathize with his community, and has therefore lost his role as the community’s spokesperson. For Berry, as for Collingwood, the true poet is one that expresses the heart of their community, that the poets proper subject “is not words, it is the world, which poets have in common with other people” (Standing By Words, 8). We can see the specialization of poetry and the breakdown of art and truth all around us. Where are our public poets? Where are our artistic spokesmen? “That we have no poets who are, in that sense, public persons,” Berry writes, “suggests even more forcibly the weakness of our poetry of protest. In his protest, the contemporary poet is speaking publicly, but not as a spokesman; he is only one outraged citizen speaking at other citizens who do not know him, whom he does not know, and with whom he does not sympathize. The tone of self-righteousness is one result of this circumstance” (Ibid., 20). The specialization of art, therefore, is one of the major impediments to founding a morality based on aesthetics, and by implication, magic and religion. For all of these ways of thinking have been corrupted by rational inquiry. They have been robbed of their capacity of dealing with life’s uncertainty. Still, I must persist in my attempt to ‘recover’ them. 

The second problem with this whole endeavor arises from the notion of ‘recovery’ itself. As I mentioned, the attempt to recover a lost way of life can easily slip into nostalgia, dangerous conservatism, or the creation of a simulacra. I must insist that the attempt to recover aesthetic and magical experience is in no way an attempt at a return. It is an attempt to come up with something new. But something new that embodies the spirit or core of past forms of thought and experience. An art exhibit ‘Gauguin and Polynesia’ recently put me face to face with this question of cultural recovery. 

At Seattle Art Museum they displayed Gauguin’s work that was produced during his travels to Polynesia. He was hired by the French government to go to Tahiti and paint the people, their customs, and the wild life. He made several trips between 1891 and his death in 1903. There was something about Polynesian culture that fascinated him. One strange thing, however, was that he claimed that it was really the Polynesia of the past that he was in love with. But he persisted in his depictions of Polynesian culture, painting the people and practices around him. Admiring their work and mourning the cultural loss that had taken place after colonization. Much of the French population, too, seemed to be fascinated with Polynesian culture. In fact, at the Parisian world’s fair a group of sixty Polynesians performed a traditional dance in a recreated Polynesian village. This staged dance, however, could not have been an authentic replication. Rather, it was most like a simulacra of sorts: an attempt at simulating something, but in the processing creating something new that does not resemble the original. A copy without an original. But was Gauguin’s work doing the same thing? Were his depictions of Polynesian life capturing something real, something authentic? Or was he simply creating simulacra? Did his desire to recover the lost Tahitian culture force him to paint glorified, stylized things that never actually existed? In short, did Gauguin really recover something, or did he just create a simulacra through naive nostalgia? I cannot answer this question about Gauguin. I’m no art historian. But Gauguin’s problem is a good starting point for thinking about our problem in this essay.

When attempting the recovery of a lost way of life we must avoid naive nostalgia and the creation of distorted simulacra. In other words, we need to find a way to reckon with cultural loss without lapsing into conservatism or historical distortion. What, then, is the proper way to mourn culture loss and attempt some sort of recovery? What is the process that would allow one to do such a thing? 

I believe the only way one can properly attempt the recovery of a type of experience is if one is committed to creating something new. That is to say, the attempt to recover a lost experience, the attempt to repeat someone else, will only be successful if it leads to something new. This is Zizek’s main argument in In Defense Of Lost Causes. He believes that revolutions of the past all had a valuable core that we ought to repeat, that is, we should take their thoughts and actions further than they were able to, giving them a new embodiment in the present. Many revolutions, according to Marx and Zizek, contain an element of excessive passion that is then “betrayed by the market reality which takes over ‘the day after’... this excess,” however, “is not simply abolished, dismissed as irrelevant, but, as it were, transposed into a virtual state, continuing to haunt the emancipatory imagination like a dream waiting to be realized. The excess of revolutionary enthusiasm over its own ‘actual social base’ or substance is thus... a spectral Event waiting for its proper embodiment” (Zizek, 394). Zizek believes that this spectral event can be realized only if we are willing to repeat the thoughts and actions of past revolutionaries. Here Zizek is operating under Deleuze’s definition of repetition. He uses film as an example: “The cinematic version of Edgar Doctorow’s Billy Bathgate is basically a failure, but an interesting one: a failure which nonetheless evokes in the viewer the specter of the much better novel. However, when one goes on to read the novel on which the film is based, one is disappointed – this is not the novel the film evoked as the standard with regard to which it failed. The repetition (of a filed novel in the failed film) thus gives rise to a third, purely virtual, element, the better novel” (Ibid., 322). Anytime you attempt to repeat an individual you inadvertently create something new, because you are necessarily accessing the ‘virtual’ of that person’s actions. That is to say, you always see what could have been in another person’s actions, and in repeating them you bring that spectral element, that virtual potential, closer to reality. You,  in turn, create further virtual possibilities that another person may be able to access in their repetition of your action. With the Deleuzian concepts of repetition and virtuality, we can see how something new must emerge from an attempt to repeat someone’s thought or action. 

There is compelling evidence that the human mind is indeed capable of repeating another person’s thoughts for themselves, and that this type of repetition could easily lead to the emergence of something new. This evidence comes both from Collingwood’s philosophy of history and contemporary philosophy of mind. There are two vital claims in Collingwood’s philosophy of history: 1. All history is the history of thought, 2. All history is the re-enactment of past thought in the present context of the historian’s mind. Collingwood believes that the only way we can ever achieve historical knowledge is if we accept that all we can know is thought, and that human’s have a unique capacity for understanding one another’s thoughts. To know another person’s thoughts, he asserts, “involves the repetition by one mind of another’s act of thought: not one like it... but the act itself.... To know someone else’s activity of thinking is possible only on the assumption that this same activity can be re-enacted in one’s own mind. In that sense, to know ‘what someone is thinking’ (or ‘has thought’) involves thinking it for oneself.” (The Idea Of History, 288). A most important point, and one that he wants unmistakably clear: There can be no such thing as historical knowledge unless “on the view that to know another’s act of thought involves repeating it for oneself” (Ibid.).  Moreover, not only is knowledge of past thought achieved through repetition, all knowledge of mind is achieved in this way: It is through re-enactment that “we discover the thought of a friend who writes us a letter, or a stranger who crosses the street.... In this sense, all knowledge of mind is historical” (Ibid., 219). Whether this means all knowledge of mind is historical depends on what we mean by historical. Regardless, it is clear that Collingwood believed that knowledge of thought could only be attained by repeating those thoughts for ourselves.

Collingwood also believed that this repetition was not a passive process, but one in which the repeated thoughts are critically examined. That is to say, Collingwood’s ideas about repeating thoughts also logically lead to the emergence of new thoughts. The new emerges from repeating other’s thoughts because that act of repetition provides an individual with self knowledge and knowledge of the world: "If what the historian knows is past thoughts, and if he knows them by re-thinking them himself, it follows that the knowledge he achieves by historical inquiry is not knowledge of his situation as opposed to knowledge of himself, it is a knowledge of his situation which is at the same time knowledge of himself. In re-thinking what somebody else thought, he thinks it himself, in knowing that somebody else thought it, he knows that he himself is able to think it. And finding out what he is able to do is finding out what kind of man he is. If he is able to understand, by re-thinking them, the thoughts of a great many different kinds of people, it follows that he must be a great many kinds of man. He must be, in fact, a microcosm of all the history he can know. Thus his own self-knowledge is at the same time his knowledge of the world of human affairs" (An Autobiography, 114-115). The repetition of thought is thus a powerful source of self-knowledge. It reveals to us the limitations of our thinking, and thus opens us up to the possibility of thinking differently. In fact, Collingwood believed that this type of thought would be the only way to construct a science of human affairs. That is, only through historical thinking can we  “learn to deal with human situations as skilfully (sic) as natural science had taught them to deal with situations in the world of Nature?” (Ibid., 115). I believe there are more ways in which Collingwood’s thoughts on re-enactment corroborate this idea that repetition always leads to something new. For Collingwood, the new emerges because repetition is what provides us with self-knowledge, alerting us to with the frontiers of our knowledge. Foucault, similarly, believed that historical thinking did the same thing for us. Let these brief examples suffice to show that historical thinking (repetition) leads to the new. 

Contemporary philosophy of mind also corroborates the claim that individual’s understand one another by repeating expressed thoughts for ourselves. In Simulating Minds Alvin Goldman argues that human beings understand one another primarily by ‘placing ourselves in each other’s shoes’. That is to say, we understand people’s thoughts by simulating them in the context of our own minds. I don’t intend to plumb Goldman for further evidence right now. I will simply refer you to all my other writing on simulation theory. Because the truth is that it deeply corroborates the idea that we understand other people through repetition of their thought, through simulations of thought.

The recovery of a form of experience, therefore, is never about a pure recovery or a verisimilitudinous representation. Rather, recovery must be about accurate repetition that leads to something new. Recovery is not about nostalgia, conservatism, or the yearning for a lost time. It is about re-thinking or re-experiencing something as intimately as possible with the goal of learning about yourself and introducing variety into your mind, thus arriving at something new. It is about re-thinking someone else’s thoughts in order to add them to the pool of your own mind. Moreover, this newness that arises from repetition must have a particular manifestation: it must lead to the cultivation of new habits

This attempt to recover aesthetic and magical forms of experience is primarily a moral project. It is about embodying a certain attitude towards yourself, others, and the world. One that is expressive, creative, and emotionally rich. Moreover, I fully believe that morality can only be achieved if we seek to alter our unreflective behavior. That is to say, we can only live a moral life if we are willing to purposefully create habits that implicitly embody our explicit morality. We need to regard habit as the synthesis of thought and action. 
 
The final thing I want to show is that this attempt to repeat past forms of thought logically leads to the creation of new habits. The relationship between repetition, the new, and habit formation becomes clear if we grasp several points. First, that habit formation is a necessary part of all emergency preparation and decision making. Second, that expression and the use of language always leaves a deposit of habits in its wake. Third, that to really repeat someone’s thoughts means to express something yourself. Fourth, that because we can gain control of who we repeat, and thus what we express, we can gain control of the habits that we create for ourselves. Let me elaborate these points in turn. 

It is vital that we recognize the role of habit in both emergencies and daily decision making. As Zizek observed in his essay ‘Madness and Habit in German Idealism’, in modern times habit has lost its role as a form of “organic inner rule” and is now viewed as“something mechanic, the opposite of human freedom” (1). We chide habit, believing that “freedom can never become habit(ual), if it becomes habit, it is no longer true freedom” (Ibid.). But why this decoupling of habit and freedom? Why the insistence on the rational break with habits? Elaine Scarry, for one, believes that we must find a rapprochement between habit and freedom. “Our derisive attitude toward habit,” she argues, “prevents us from seeing the form of thinking embedded in these cognitive acts and hence makes us willing to give up, or set aside, the most powerful mental tools that stand ready to assist us” (Thinking In An Emergency, 15). We must not ignore habit, especially not in difficult emergencies and moral dilemmas. Habit, Scarry claims, will always come into play during difficult decisions. Our goal, therefore, is to create habits for ourselves that will serve us well during trying times. For “It is not the case that ordinary life is habitual and emergency life is nonhabitual” (Ibid.). In fact, “in the absence of ordinary habits, a special repertoire of alternative habits may suddenly come forward” (Ibid.). The question is, Have we taken the time to prepare those habits for ourselves? Have we attempted to deeply intertwine thought and action? Have we engaged in a “highly willed act of internalization” that “may seem to be an artificial exercise without an object,”  that has left a deposit of habits in us (Ibid., 82)? Purposeful habit creation, then, is our task. Moreover, habit acquisition through expression and repetition. For when Scarry speaks of ‘an artificial exercise’ she is referring to forms of simulation that she surveyed earlier in the book. It is through these simulations, through repetition, that habits are formed. 

Habit creating exercise, furthermore, is something accomplished through expression and the use of language. For Collingwood the aesthetic process, i.e. the use of language, is a breeding ground for habit. He argues that although the use of language is a fully natural process, it creates ‘deposits of habits’ that can be denatured and become utilizable. “When we speak of ‘using’ language for certain purposes,” he argues, “what is so used cannot be language itself, for language is not a utilizable thing but a pure activity.... Language in itself cannot be thus denatured; what can be is the deposits, internal and external, left by the linguistic activity; the habit of uttering certain words and phrases; the habit of making certain kinds of gesture, together with the kinds of audible noise, coloured canvass, and so forth, which these gestures produce” (The Principles Of Art, 275). In other words, the process of expression involved in art leaves in us a residue of habits. I don’t grasp this entirely, but there is something about language and externalization that then in turn effects our behavior. Language, essentially, is reflexive: it changes us in the process of speaking. As John Dewey wrote, man uses language to create external structures that serve as guides, “we temporarily deposit our will in some external structure,” like a building or a piece of writing, and “after some time [it] returns to its source and modifies our behavior,” creating new habits in us (Quoted in Scarry, 106). By externalizing our will through language, we act upon our own hearts, letting that expressed language then become re-internalized, turning into a newly formed habit. Habits, therefore, develop as a result of externalized language becoming re-internalized. Expression thus creates habits.

Habit formation through expression, however, does not restrict us to merely expressing what we think. We can also access things that other people have expressed in the past, and attempt to form habits based around that expression. Because, for Collingwood, to understand another person’s thoughts is to repeat them in our own mind. And to repeat someone’s thoughts is not just to passively receive them, it is to express them for ourselves. As Collingwood say, when “a poet expresses, for example, a certain kind of fear, the only hearers who can understand him are those who are capable of experiencing that kind of fear for themselves. Hence, when someone reads and understands a poem, he is not merely understanding the poet’s expression of his, the poet’s, emotions, he is expressing emotions of his own in the poet’s words, which have thus become his own words. As Coleridge put it, we know a man for a poet by the fact that he makes us poets. We know that he is expressing his emotions by the fact that he is enabling us to express ours” (The Principles Of Art, 118). To understand someone’s emotional expression is therefore inseparable from expressing those emotions for oneself. We are thus not limited to the expression of our own emotions, we can express the emotions of anyone who we are capable of understanding. 

The different types of habits we are capable of creating in ourselves, therefore, is limited only by our capacity for understanding other people. Because if expression and language create habits in us, and to understand someone is to express their emotions for ourselves, then we can create habits by selecting what types of thoughts and feelings we want to express. In other words, we can pick and choose what forms of thought we repeat, and therefore what types of habits we create in ourselves.

The recovery of aesthetic and magical experience must proceed along these lines. We must reacquaint ourselves with writer’s who were able to express themselves in aesthetic and magical ways. By putting ourselves in touch with these writers we will be repeating their thoughts for ourselves, arriving at something new in the process. This is what I am proposing in this essay. What we would be doing, in essence, is creating forms of synthetic experience that would create beneficial habits for us. We would be allowing artist’s and other thinkers to ‘enlarge our experience with their own’. This is what the attempt at recovering aesthetic and magical forms of experience is all about: the use of synthetic experience to create habits that would lead to a more unified mind, one capable of overcoming cultural nihilism by recovering forms of thinking that are less certain.

I feel that this discussion of repetition, the new, and habit, has drifted a bit too far from the main point that I have been trying to make. The point of this whole essay was to explain how nihilism had destroyed our capacity for magic and aesthetics, leaving us in a culture saturated with amusement. I concluded that we needed to recover aesthetic and magical experience because they are ways of thinking that embrace uncertainty. One thing our nihilistic culture lacks is the means to deal with uncertainty. We cling to flimsy rationality, we have no patience for sympathy or uncertainty. The recovery of aesthetics and magic would thus be a useful antidote to the West’s logocentric nihilistic culture. Recovery, however, can not be a simple return to an old way of life. It must be a complex process of repeating (simulating) past thought with the attempt at arriving at something new. What we must really do, therefore, is reinvent magical and aesthetic experience for the contemporary moment. This can only be accomplished, however, through repetition, synthetic experience, and purposeful habit formation. This is my answer to nihilism. There is so much I’m not able to express here. I have so many other thoughts about what an aesthetic or magical life means. But I don’t wish to keep going. I wish to let this essay go now.

Friday, October 14, 2011

Art, Zen, and Insurrection: Finding Personal and Social Change In The Art of Life Part IV.2

It has been six months since I have completed a portion of this project. I posted Part IV.1 in April. Then everything fell apart. I got really confused. I didn't know how to deal with the outline I had created. I didn't know how to synthesize my reading and thinking. My momentum fizzled out. So I took some time off. Finally something clicked and I was able to begin writing again. After this all I have to do is Part IV.3 and IV.4. Then I'm done. But here is IV.2 and a table of contents for it:

Part IV.2: Art, Culture, And Politics

4. Art, Amusement, And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Collingwood On Distraction In Western Culture And Politics

5. The Corporate State And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Art and Amusement in Capitalist Culture

6. On A Collingwoodian Aestheticization Of Politics: Concluding Part IV.2

In the last section I analyzed the relationship between politics, war, violence, and power. I concluded that while violence is fundamental to peace (primarily in terms of objective violence), war is not. I think that I successfully disentangled the violence of peace from the violence of war. The key factor of the analysis was Zizek’s distinction between objective and subjective violence. With that distinction I was able to understand that the violence that was inherent to peace was primarily objective violence that keeps subjective violence at a minimum, while war, on the other hand, contains objective violence that is intended to organize large scale subjective violence. The entire purpose of Part IV is to understand if there is any significant relationship between politics, art, and the aesthetic existence. So that analysis of war and politics was the first step in me addressing that larger issue.

Now that I have successfully disentangled the violence of peace and war, I need to take the next step towards the relationship between art and politics by analyzing the relationship between politics and culture broadly. Once I ascertain the relationship between politics and culture I will hopefully be able to have clearer thoughts about the potential relationships between art and politics.

I am going to conduct this analysis in three major sections. In the first section I’ll be using Collingwood’s work to show that he believed that Western art, culture, economics, and politics were intimately intertwined. In particular, I’ll show how his concept of ‘the corruption of consciousness’ captures the complex relationship between art, culture, and politics. In the second section I’ll be trying to apprehend the relationship between politics and culture, both in general and in America in particular. I’ll use John Gray’s argument that political engagement always requires a common cultural base to analyze the relationship between American culture and politics. I’ll try to show that America’s strange breed of corporate democracy is supported by a vapid cultural base of celebrity worship and distraction. Finally I’ll examine Walter Benjamin’s notion of the ‘aestheticization of politics’. I’ll argue that the concept operates under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic, and rather describes the presence of lying, deception, and representation in politics, and does not refer to anything that can accurately be called ‘aesthetic’. That will then set me up to begin hinting at what it would mean, in a Collingwoodian sense, to ‘aestheticize politics’. Because an aestheticization of politics, under Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic, would be inseparable from a genuine attempt at expression and truth. This line of thinking about a Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics will ultimately be pursued in Part IV.4. Here we go.

4. Art, Amusement, The Corruption of Consciousness: Collingwood On Distraction In Western Culture And Politics

So I want to begin this inquiry into the relationship between art, culture, and politics by explicating an idea from The Principles Of Art that I have not dealt with adequately: Collingwood’s notion of ‘the corruption of consciousness’. Collingwood believes that consciousness is useful in that it lets us turn our raw emotions into ideas, providing us with self-knowledge and emotional stability. The mind’s knowledge of itself is always a critical issue for Collingwood. A corrupt consciousness, therefore, is one that “permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one.” This happens, Collingwood argues, “not because the feeling, as an impression, is an alarming impression, but because the idea into which we are converting it proves an alarming idea. We cannot see our way to dominate it, and shrink from persevering in the attempt. We therefore give it up, and turn our attention to something less intimidating.” Furthermore, Collingwood believes that the corruption of consciousness is not uncommon: “So far from being a bare possibility, it is an extremely common fact” (217). In earlier sections I discussed how art was supposed to be the antidote to the corruption of consciousness. But I don’t think I gave the issue enough consideration, and I don’t think I really explored its cultural and political implications. So that is what I’d like to do now. First I’d like to briefly try to explicate the corruption of consciousnesses relationship to amusement art. Second, I’d like to explain how this the rise of amusement and the corruption of consciousness is tied to larger economic and political factors. Lastly, I’ll briefly look at how Collingwood believed that art itself was the antidote to the corruption of consciousness.

Collingwood spend a significant amount of time in The Principles explaining how amusement art differs from art proper. It is in the course of that discussion that Collingwood first begins to point towards the issue of the corruption of consciousness. He doesn’t introduce the term, however, until his chapter on ‘Imagination and Consciousness’. Thus the best way to understand the relationship between the corruption of consciousness and amusement art is to understand Collingwood’s concept of consciousness.

Collingwood believes that consciousness is the mental faculty that is capable of converting a raw sensation (an impression) into something imaginary (an idea). By focusing our consciousness on one of our raw sensations we are able to elevate it into an idea that we can then consciously reconstitute, understand, and manipulate. The true task of consciousness, therefore, is to turn our raw emotions into ideas, and in that process dominating and domesticating those emotions, taming their effect on our psyche. Thus there is a relationship between consciousness and truth. If an emotion “is thus recognized, it is converted from impression into idea, and thus dominated or domesticated by consciousness. If it is not recognized, it is simply relegated to the other side of the dividing line: left unattended to, or ignored” (217). There is, however, another option: “The recognition may take place abortively. It may be attempted, but prove a failure. It is as if we should bring a wild animal indoors, hoping to domesticate it, and then, when it bites, lose our nerve and let go. Instead of becoming a friend, what we have brought into the house has become an enemy” (ibid.). This abortive attempt at conscious recognition of emotions is what Collingwood calls the corruption of consciousness. A corrupt consciousness is one that is incapable of showing down its emotions, one that defers the difficult task of converting painful sensations into ideas. He calls it “the ‘corruption’ of consciousness; because consciousness permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one” (217).

In previous sections I explained how consciousness was connected to art: For Collingwood art is a process in which we successfully use consciousness to turn impression into idea, and thus succeed at expressing ourselves artistically. The aesthetic process is all about the successful use of consciousness for this conversion of a raw sensation into an expressible idea.

But now I want to ask: what is amusement art? And what does it have to do with the corruption of consciousness? Collingwood defines amusement art as art that is intended to arouse emotions that are not meant for “discharge into the occupations of ordinary life, but for enjoyment as something of value in itself” (78). Amusement art therefore lacks the expressiveness and the utility of art proper: its purpose is to divert our attention to something pleasurable, to distract us from the realities of life. Art proper, on the other hand, would be about using consciousness to successfully convert a sensation into an idea, to showdown our deepest emotions and to come to grips with them. “The corruption of consciousness in virtue of which a man fails to express a given emotion makes him at the same time unable to know whether he has expressed it or not. He is, therefore, for one and the same reason, a bad artist and a bad judge of his own art” (283). In short, “corruption of consciousness is the same thing as bad art” (285).

The relationship between amusement and and the corruption of consciousness should be obvious: A mind or society that is predominantly occupied by amusement is likely to suffer from the corruption of consciousness. If you are always distracted, always enjoying some type of amusement that occupies your mind, you have no opportunity or need to direct your consciousness at larger problems. In fact, larger circumstances may encourage one to find refuge in amusement. In other words, corrupt consciousnesses may be systematically produced by political-economic systems, it may be an integral part of a systems internal logic. I’ll be coming back to this point in the next section.

One important distinction to bear in mind is the difference between amusement and recreation. Collingwood is careful to point out that certain pastimes that may appear to be amusement may actually have practical benefits, therefore making them fall out of his distinction for amusement, and falling under the category ‘recreation’. If I spend a weekend relaxing and having a good time it is possible that I am just amusing myself, avoiding work, suffering from a corrupt consciousness. But if after that weekend I feel refreshed and ready to cheerfully continue my work, then my relaxing “turned out to be not amusement but recreation. The difference between amusement and recreation consists in the debit or credit effect they produce on the emotional energy available for practical life” (95). A form of enjoyable or amusing art is only dangerous if ”the debt it imposes on these stores of energy is too great to be paid off in the ordinary course of living. When this reaches a point of crisis, practical life, or ‘real’ life becomes, emotionally bankrupt; a state of things which we describe by speaking of its intolerable dullness or calling it a drudgery“ (95). Further, Collingwood calls the excessive use of amusement a ‘mental disease’: “A moral disease has set in, whose symptoms are a constant craving for amusement and an inability to take any interest in the affairs of ordinary life, the necessary work of livelihood and social routine. A person in whom the disease has become chronic is a person with more or less settled conviction that amusement is the only thing that makes life worth living. A society in which the disease is endemic is one in which most people feel some such conviction most of the time” (95).

So the relationship between the corruption of consciousness and amusement art is hopefully clear. The next thing I’d like to ask is where the corruption of consciousness comes from. Why are individuals or societies craving amusement and distraction from their daily lives? Collingwood points to certain social, economic, and political organizations as a major breeding ground for the corruption of consciousness. He cites ancient Rome as an example of the way that the corruption of consciousness and an amusement-society come into existence. “The critical moment was reached,” he claims, “when Rome created an urban proletariat whose only function was to eat free bread and watch free shows” (99). It was political and economic success that led to the growth of Rome’s population and their capacity for creating amusement. “Once a class had been created whose only interest lay in amusement, it acted as an abscess which by degrees drew away all emotional energies from the affairs of real life. Nothing could arrest the spread of amusement” (99). Collingwood is suggesting that amusement and the corruption of consciousness are caused by socio-economic factors like population growth, employment, and consumer culture. He believes that material conditions can create corrupt consciousness. I wonder about the relationship between Collingwood and Marx.

Collingwood then gives a sweeping account of the rise of amusement in Modern European culture. He claims that with the decline of Christianity art had to redefine itself as something distinct from religion. He argues that at some point the rising dominant class became intolerant of art, and preferred to think of it as mere amusement. He claims that a “tradition of hostility entered into the main stream of modern civilization through its inheritance by nonconformist bankers and manufacturers, the class which became dominant in the modern world; and how that event drove the artistic consciousness of the modern world, at the very moment when it was liberating itself from the shackles of amusement, into the position of something outcast and persecuted” (100). From there, he claims the process continued. The political-economic system of manufacturing and banking continued to grow, and amusement became more and more popular. He says that at some point the middle and lower classes, too, became addicted to art, and from there we find our current situation. Further, the dominant classes worked to destroy folklore and other traditions that the lower classes clung to. And with the destruction of their lower-class subculture they too became addicted to amusement: “Football... came first; then came the cinema and the wireless; and the poor, throughout the country, went amusement mad.... Increased production combined with the break-down of economic organization led to the appearance of an unemployed class, forced unwillingly into a parasitic conditions, deprived of the magical arts in which their grandfathers took their pleasure fifty years ago, left functionless and aimless in the community, living only to accept panem et circenses, the dole and the films” (102). The key factor in the rise of the corruption of consciousness is therefore unsatisfactory socio-economic situations that incline a society to seek refuge in amusement.

Collingwood then goes on to claim that his society, late 1930’s England, was also suffering from a fixation on amusement. He says that the corruption of consciousness “is notoriously endemic among ourselves. Among its symptoms are the unprecedented growth of the amusement trade, to meet what has become an insatiable craving.... the use of alcohol, tobacco, and many other drugs, not for ritual purposes, but to deaden the nerves and distract the mind from the tedious and irritating concerns of ordinary life; the almost universal confession that boredom, or lack of interest in life, is felt as a constant or constantly recurring state of mind.” (96, my italics). But why is modern English culture also caught up with amusement and the corruption of consciousness? What is causing its spread in the modern world?

Collingwood’s answer is clear: the economic system that provides our basic means to subsistence is largely responsible for the corruption of consciousness and the spread of amusement. He explains how the language we use to describe our work betrays our feelings about the nature of the work. He claims there was “an almost universal agreement that the kinds of work on which the existence of a civilization like ours most obviously depends (notably the work of industrial operatives and the clerical staff in business of every kind, and even that of the agricultural labourers and other food-winners who are the prime agents in the maintenance of every civilization hitherto existing) is an intolerable drudgery; the discovery that what makes this intolerable is not the pinch of poverty or bad housing or disease but the nature of the work itself in the conditions our civilization has created” (97, my italics). Forgive the long quotations. I just find Collingwood’s writing in this section to be so powerful. He is making very strong statement about capitalist culture, and the way it inclines us towards amusement and distraction.

It seems as though capitalism itself may incline us towards the corruption of consciousness. We are living in conditions we have created that we refer to as ‘drudgery’. It would be very difficult to come to terms with the fact that we have done this to ourselves. If we are to turn our conscious to our situation we will realize that we are living in a man-made economic system that puts us in these positions of drudgery, exploitation, and inequality. This is of our own doing. To face that reality is incredibly hard. To truly turn those sensations into ideas is difficult and painful. Thus we use amusement “to deaden the nerves and distract the mind from the tedious and irritating concerns of ordinary life; the almost universal confession that boredom, or lack of interest in life, is felt as a constant or constantly recurring state of mind.” All of this “suggests that our civilization has been caught in a vortex, somehow connected with its attitude towards amusement, and that some disaster is impending which, unless we prefer to shut our eyes to it and perish, if we are to perish, in the dark, it concerns us to understand” (97).

Collingwood thus argues that capitalism is a major factor in the rise of amusement in western culture. He claims that we are so dissatisfied with the conditions we have created for ourselves that we numb ourselves with amusement. That our consciousnesses are corrupt because we cannot face the reality that we have created these conditions for ourselves. This conclusion about the relationship between capitalism and amusement then has implications for the notion of the state and a citizenry.

Apart from economic conditions, Collingwood suggests that a lack political and civil responsibility also contributes to the rise of amusement. He says that in ancient Rome the urban proletariat had no obligations to the state, and therefore had no other option but to amuse themselves. The creation of the Roman urban proletariat “meant the segregation of an entire class which had no work to do whatever; no positive function in society, whether economic or military or administrative or intellectual or religious; only the business of being supported and being amused” (99, my italics). And this remained true for much of the Middle Ages. He says that “by the fact that [the people] had no duties to the community, whether military or administrative or administrative or magical, such as occupied the real gentry. They had nothing to do but amuse themselves” (101). And this makes me wonder about American culture’s relationship to amusement. I feel like I have very few obligations to the state. I have no military or civic commitments of any kind. And as a result I don’t think I feel very fulfilled by my existence in this political-economic system. I feel as though I may be, we may be, suffering from a similar disease that Collingwood recognized in his own culture.

This idea has serious implications for the health of a civilization. Collingwood believes that our attitude towards amusement may signify the downfall of our civilization. He believes that the decline of ancient Rome was deeply intertwined with the rise of the amusement trade. He admits that “Historical parallels are blind guides. There is no certainty that our civilization is tracing a path like that of the later Roman Empire. But the parallel, so far as it has yet developed, is alarmingly close” (102). But what are we to do? If our civilization is slipping into decay, what can we do? Collingwood assures us that war is of no use in this instance: “The gunman’s remedy is no use. We need not buy revolvers and rush off to do something drastic. What we are concerned with is the threatened death of a civilization.... Civilizations die and are born not with waving of flags or the noise of machineguns in the streets, but in the dark, in a stillness, when no one is aware of it. It never gets into the papers” (103-104). The stakes could not be higher. When Collingwood talks about the relationship between art, amusement, economics, and politics, he is talking about the life and death of civilizations. The philosophy of art somehow has implications that extend this far.

So what are we to do about the corruption of consciousness that has been brought about by our amusement-saturated capitalist culture? Well, Collingwood argues that art itself is the antidote to the corruption of consciousness. That what we need is an artist that is capable of being a spokesman for the community. We need an artist who can take initiative and express the secret frustration that everyone in society is feeling. We need an artist that can help society collectively battle the corruption of consciousness: “For the evils which come from... ignorance the poet as prophet suggest no remedy, because he has already given one. The remedy is the poem itself. Art is the community’s medicine for the worst disease of mind, the corruption of consciousness” (336). Collingwood believed that T.S. Eliot’s poem The Wasteland was an example of a work of art that was speaking the heart of a community, attempting to rid it of its corrupt consciousness: The Wasteland “depicts a world where the wholesome flowing water of emotion, which alone fertilizes all human activity, has dried up. Passions that once ran so strongly as to threaten the defeat of prudence, the destruction of human individuality, the wreck of men’s little ships, are shrunk to nothing. No one gives; no one will risk himself by sympathizing; no one has anything to control. We are imprisoned in ourselves, becalmed in windless selfishness. The only emotion left us is fear: fear of emotion itself, fear of death by drowning in it, fear in a handful of dust” (335, my italics). And for Collingwood this process is nothing short of a battle. I’m fascinated by the use of militaristic metaphors, and Collingwood doesn’t hold back with them: “Corruption of consciousness is not a recondite sin or a remote calamity which overcomes only an unfortunate or accursed few; it is a constant experience in the life of every artist, and his life is a constant and, on the whole, a successful warfare against it. But this warfare always involves a very present possibility of defeat; and then a certain corruption becomes inveterate” (284, my emphasis). For Collingwood, therefore, the work of art itself is the cure for the corruption of consciousness. The only way to overcome our addiction to amusement is to embrace art proper, to embrace art as a process of imaginatively expressing our deepest emotions.

Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness therefore serves as a great starting point for analyzing the relationship between art, culture, and politics. In it I see a way to understand how larger social processes, like politics or economics, influence culture, and in turn, effect individual minds. Collingwood argues that our economic system has given us monotonous work that offers us no obligations to our nation or community. As a result, we experience a sense of emptiness in our daily routines and means to subsistence. Collingwood claims that the nature of our work has transformed us into a culture that is addicted to amusement. He claims that our stance towards amusement has turned us into a society full of corrupt consciousnesses, and that the only cure is a return to art proper, to art as an expressive process. This is a sloppy explication. I don’t think I did this very clearly. But all that matters is that Collingwood’s concept of the corruption of consciousness is loaded with implications about the relationship between politics, economics, culture, and art.

Next I’d like to take Collingwood’s work and use it to ask questions about contemporary American culture. Is amusement thriving in modern America? Is it related to our political-economic system? Why is art so irrelevant in America? How are we to regard it? I hope to use Hedges, Wolin, Zizek, and others to answer these questions.

5. The Corporate State And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Art and Amusement In Capitalist Culture

In the last section I claimed that Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness is useful in that it offers a way to conceptualize a problem that is at the intersection of politics, economics, culture, and art. Now I want to try and apply that concept to some analyses of contemporary American society. But before I do that I have to make some more basic observations about the relationship between politics and culture. From there I will be able to discuss American politics and culture more intelligently.

In Enlightenment’s Wake John Gray argues that the Enlightenment project has fundamentally failed. Gray recognizes that the Enlightenment was a diverse phenomenon that had different regional manifestations. Yet he insists that regardless of location it was sustained by core goals and assumptions, “above all by the hope that human beings will shed their traditional allegiances and their local identities and unite in a universal civilization grounded in generic humanity and a rational morality” (Gray, 2). Gray claims that the Enlightenment project’s focus on the development of rational institutions means that “it cannot even begin to grapple with the political dilemmas of an age in which political life is dominated by renascent particularisms, militant religions and resurgent ethnicities” (ibid.). In short, Enlightenment philosophy failed because it does not grasp the intimate relationship between political organization and culture.

Gray, therefore, wants to develop a political philosophy that accounts for the inextricability of culture and politics. Because, for Gray, “political allegiance... presupposes a common cultural identity, which is reflected in the polity to which allegiance is given; political order, including that of a liberal state, rests upon a pre-political order of common culture” (120). Politics can never be a fully rational enterprise, but one that has to find its foundations in a already existing common culture. This means that “[a]llegiance to a liberal state is, on this view, never primarily to principles which it may be thought to embody, and which are supposed to be compelling for all human beings; it is always to specific institutions, having a specific history, and to the common culture that animates them, which itself is a creature of historical contingency” (117). We are cultural and historical beings, and our political institutions can only function within that context.

Gray takes free market theory as one of his major examples about the relationship between culture and political organization. Market theorists, according to Gray, have often created economic models assuming that they would function regardless of the culture in which they were created. That market institutions, if properly organized, would not need a cultural base in order to thrive. Gray adamantly opposes this notion. He claims that “the insight of the social market theorists that the cultural matrices of market institutions are as important, and no less diverse, than their legal frameworks, should make us sceptical of the claims of any model for market institutions, and of any mode of policy which is based on the tacit assumption that there is a single ideal-typical form of market institutions to which all economies will, should, or can, approximate” (58). Instead, he advances “a general conception of market institutions in which they are theorized not as self-enclosed systems but as human practices that always come deeply embedded in matrices of cultural tradition and in legal and political frameworks, to which they owe all their stability and legitimacy” (94). In John Gray I find a way to conceptualize the relationship between politics in culture. I see how common culture must always serve as the foundation of political and economic organization.

So, if Gray is correct in his assessment of the relationship between culture and politics, where does that leave me in terms of understanding the relationship between politics and culture in America? What, generally, is American culture like right now? How does American culture stand in relation to the American political and economic systems? What is the status of art proper and amusement are in America? How pervasive is amusement and the corruption of consciousness in America?

In order to answer these questions I will have to try and parse the relationship between American culture and politics. Obviously this is a complex problem and any adequate answer would trace the interconnections between these different categories. I, unfortunately, don’t have the time or resources to do that. So I’ll be analyzing this in an obviously delimited way. Roughly, I’ll primarily be using Sheldon Wolin’s analysis of American politics in Democracy Incorporated, with a little bit of supporting help from Hannah Arendt and Zizek. Then I’ll be using Chris Hedges’ account of American culture in Empire of Illusion, again with support from some other thinkers. So, I’ll go from politics to the culture that supports it. Finally I’ll try to explain how it all relates to the issue of aesthetics.

So what precisely is going on in the American political system? Is this a democracy that we live in? Or is something else going on? According the Sheldon Wolin, America is not a democracy, and it was never intended to be one. From the time of the founding fathers up to the present, Wolin argues, America has always had a ruling elite that has tempered the political power of the the people, the demos. In other words, America has always had a ruling elite that has sought to manage democracy, to keep the people from exerting too much power. While the history of America is long and complex, it is useful to isolate three moments in our political history: the writing of the constitution, the beginning of the Cold War, and the beginning of the war on terror. In each of these moments America moves further from true democracy and closer to what Wolin calls ‘inverted totalitarianism’: A system in which a diverse set of institutions cooperate to turn the free exchange of ideas into “their managed circularity” with the goal of regulating the people and controlling the electoral process (7). “The key components” of inverted totalitarianism, Wolin claims, “are corporate capital, the very rich, small business associations, large media organizations, evangelical Protestant leaders, and the Catholic hierarchy. Models of organization tend to be corporate as well as military” (185). So how did this happen? How did America become a managed democracy? How did America become an inverted totalitarian state? A brief look at those three historical moments will throw some light on this issue.

Wolin claims that America was never a true democracy, even the writers of the constitution wished to temper the potential power of the masses. Wolin claims that James Madison, the ‘father of the constitution’, was skeptical of the people’s ability to decide for themselves, and intended for a group of ruling elites to be the arbiters of power. He claims that Madison wished to divide the demos “and thereby prevent it permanently from gaining the unity of purpose necessary to concert its numerical power and dominate all branches of government.” Madison essentially “produced the theory of how–at the national level–to render majoritarianism forever disaggregated and incoherent” (Wolin, 234, my emphasis). This was accomplished, among other means, through the opening of the frontier. The notion of the frontier has been a major force in American ideology. It is a representation of “democratic virtues of independence, freedom, and individualism. It had supplied ‘what has been distinctive and valuable in America’s contributions to the history of the human spirit’” (232). But the frontier also served as a means of managing democracy. It was a major way of achieving “the fulfillment of Madison’s strategy for dispersing the demos” (233). Thus, even at its founding, the American political system was never intended to be a democracy. It was designed to disperse the potential of the masses so that a ruling elite could wield political power.

America’s attempt to manage democracy, however, gained a new dynamic after World War II. Wolin claims that with the advent of the Cold War the US entered a state of imagined ‘permanent global war’. That suddenly America could frame its policies as part of an ongoing global war that demanded radical decision making by a political elite. Nuclear weapons made the world a more complex and dangerous place, and leaders were therefore more justified in their exclusion of the demos.

It was during World War II and the beginning of the Cold War that America first begins to take on the characteristics of what Wolin calls inverted totalitarianism. Wolin claims that prior to WWII America was moving closer to an ideal of social democracy, but that during WWII American politics became more about international projection of power and that the “bonds between liberalism and democracy began to unravel” (27). Instead, America was now set on international war and victory in the Cold War. As a result, “A ‘defense establishment,’ comprising the economy, the military, and the state, came into being” (28). The development of these goals, in turn, transformed America. Wolin argues that in order to defeat the Soviet Union the United States began to adopt their goals: “The United States had adopted the same goals as the Soviets: global supremacy and a regime change by means of subversion.” (Ibid.). “Thus,” Wolin concludes, “anticommunism as mimesis: the character of the enemy supplied the norm for the power demands that the democratic defender of the free world chose to impose on itself” (37). WWII and the Cold War, therefore, transformed the US from a state with liberal goals of expanding social welfare (i.e. The New Deal) into a state that was competing for global dominance and military supremacy.

A major part of pursuing these ambitious international goals is a strategy for controlling domestic unrest. If the population is unhappy with the government’s international ambitions they could easily protest and potentially prevent these goals from being achieved. The US, therefore, pursued an aggressive strategy of domestic control. They launched a “public relations strategy,” urging that “‘in any announcement of policy and in the character of the measures adopted the emphasis should be given to the essentially defensive character and care should be taken to minimize, so far as possible, unfavorable domestic and foreign reactions” (31). The management of the government’s image became a paramount concern.

America, however, did not achieve these goals in the same way as the Soviets. Rather than achieving domestic and international control through an oppressive centralized state apparatus, the US sought to control their population through subtler means. Instead, the US disseminated propaganda through a diverse set of institutions, through private media and corporations. We now have a system that is “driven by abstract totalizing power, not by personal rule, one that succeeds by encouraging political disengagement rather than mass mobilization, that relies more on ‘private’ media than on public agencies to disseminate propaganda reinforcing the official version of events” (44). And all of this began with WWII and the Cold War. Wolin gives all of this a much more nuanced treatment than I’m doing. But frankly I haven’t studied the book enough. It is challenging.

This system persisted until the present, and Wolin claims that it gained new momentum with 9/11 and the advent of the war on terror. After 9/11 we were living in a different political and social world. The government can no longer claim the threat of the Cold War, but they can now claim to be waging a war against terrorism. This claim to war allows the government to instill fear in the population and to legitimate certain policies, such as the patriot act or their policies on torture. The notion of terrorism has been exploited in an attempt to depoliticize the population, keep us from being involved in war or any type of democratic process, leaving the government clear to pursue corporate and imperial goals. “A world where warfare has no boundaries, spatial or temporal, and hence no limits,” as is the case with the war on terror, “was not the simple product of terrorism but that of its exploitation” (72). Thus 9/11 has given the government an opportunity to once again claim that we are constantly at war, allowing them to pursue imperial goals while depoliticizing the population.

I want to quickly note that this is not something that is the result of the conscious choice on behalf of individuals. It is something larger than any individual. “Inverted totalitarianism... is largely independent of any particular leader and requires no personal charisma to survive: its model is the corporate ‘head,’ the corporation’s public representative” (44). It differs from those other totalitarian states that depended on strong leaders: “inverted totalitarianism comes into being, not by design, but by inattention to the consequences of actions or especially inactions. Or, more precisely, inattention their cumulative consequences” (209). This is similar to Foucault’s notion of ‘strategy’: History gains momentum, institutions develop, individuals tap into them and affect them, but the historical momentum is stronger than any one individual. The dynamics of the institutions shape people and perpetuate conditions.

Thus if we trust Wolin, which I’m not sure if we should, America is no longer a democratic state, and may never have been. Rather, it is a superpower that pursues its own imperial goals. Furthermore, the government has been thoroughly infiltrated by corporate and religious interests. They are the ones really running the show. All of this is accomplished through a diverse network of institutions (corporate, media, religious, etc.) that seek to depoliticize the population. Put most strongly, (and perhaps hyperbolically) the goals of imperial and totalitarian states are pursued in an inverted fashion, directing power not from a centralized state, but from a dispersed apparatus.

Slavoj Zizek corroborates these claims in In Defense Of Lost Causes. In that book, Zizek offers an array of claims and insights about the nature of contemporary democracy. Frankly, I don’t grasp the book. But there is one claim he makes about democracy that is relevant to Wolin’s claims. Zizek claims that democracy essentially has two definitions. One the one hand, democracy in its raw form is the outburst of the people: “the violent egalitarian rise of the logic of those who are ‘supernumerary,’ the ‘part of no part,’ those who, while formally included within the social edifice, have no determinate place within it” (265). Democracy literally means the people and their capacity to politically assert themselves. But democracy, “in the way the term is used today,” means “above all, formal legalism: its minimal definition is unconditional adherence to a certain formal rules which guarantee that antagonisms are fully absorbed into the agonistic game” (264). I would agree with Zizek that democracy today is primarily a formal process. Zizek’s solution? The institutionalization of that radical democratic impulse. “The problem,” he claims, “is thus: how to regulate/institutionalize the very violent egalitarian democratic impulse, how to prevent it being drowned in democracy in the second sense of the term (regulated procedure)? If there is no way to do it, then ‘authentic’ democracy remains a momentary utopian outburst which, on the proverbial morning after, has to be normalized” (266). Zizek is quite difficult here. This idea makes sense to me in a very abstract way, but I really don’t know what it means to institutionalize violent egalitarianism. While his proposed solution is abstract and difficult to translate into concrete terms, his insights about the two senses of the term democracy are quite easy to incorporate into this analysis. It would seem that American democracy as regulated procedure has clearly overtaken the capacity of the marginalized masses to exert any sort of radical egalitarian logic. Although, occupy Wall Street is happening as I write this. So maybe I’m wrong. Maybe people have woken up a bit.

So, if this is indeed the state of the American political system, the next question I need to ask is: What is the cultural foundation that allows such a system to exist? For this question I will turn to Mr. Chris Hedges.

In Empire Of Illusion, Chris Hedges offers a scathing critique of American culture. He argues that our most cherished cultural virtues, such as literacy, love, education, happiness, and the nation itself, have all slowly declined into a state of illusion. Literary culture has been overrun and replaced by a vapid celebrity culture where “the fabricated, the inauthentic, and the theatrical have displaced the natural, the genuine, and the spontaneous, until reality itself has been converted into stagecraft” (Hedges, 15). While in the realm of love we have become overrun by a culture of increasingly violent pornography that degrades women and commodifies their bodies. Education has taken a similar path: the universities have ceased to be subversive intellectual institutions, the humanities have become politically impotent, and the university system has become a factory for the economy, “training an inhumane, deeply frustrated, indifferent, game-driven people” (95). Moreover, Hedges claims that there has been a direct assault on the humanities and that students of these once critical disciplines “have been trained only to find solutions that will maintain the system (103). Happiness, too, has been corrupted. So-called ‘positive psychologists‘ claim that happiness is now the ultimate goal, and that it is to be pursued through personal change or medication. Hedges claims that these ‘quack scientists‘ are “effective in keeping people from questioning the structures around them that are responsible for their misery. Positive Psychology gives an academic patina to fantasy” (120). Finally, the nation itself has become an empire of illusion. Hedges‘ goes off hard: “At no period in American history has our democracy been in such peril or the possibility of totalitarianism so real. Our way of life is over.... Our children will never have the standard of living he had.... There is little President Obama can do to stop it. It has been decades in the making” (145). The result of this all is radical transformation of our mental worlds: “Celebrity culture has taught us to generate, almost unconsciously, interior personal screenplays in the mold of Hollywood, television, and even commercials. We have learned ways of speaking and thinking that disfigure the way we relate to the world” (17, my italics). We are living illusory lives. We are living in a culture of distraction that clears the way for the inverted totalitarian state that Wolin describes.

This, then, is the cultural base that supports America’s managed democracy, America’s inverted totalitarianism. If the people are distracted they won’t get involved in politics. We are too busy with vapid television, pornography, and spectator-sport militarism to be a politically volatile people. Of course, as I write this, thousands of people are protesting in New York, Seattle (where I currently am), and other major American cities. Some of us have woken up, they claim. I am trying to wake up. I’m not out there in the streets. But I’m trying not to be distracted. I’m trying to withdraw and learn, learn, learn, as Zizek encourages me to do in the final lines of the introduction to Violence. But I fear that much of the country is distracted into a position of political paralyzation. What are we to do in such a world? How are we to act politically when the process seems so set? When it seems so impossible to make a difference? It is very easy to withdraw into a life of illusion, to have a mind that is clouded by amusement and pornography.

Thus the state of American politics and culture is clearer: we live in a illusory culture of distraction that serves as the foundation for a corporately managed imperial democracy. The relationship between that culture and that political system, however, cannot be thought of in the way Gray describes. If I understand Gray correctly (which I may not), he believes that culture often serves as a foundation for politics and economics. That culture is the common way of life that gives rise to political and economic practices. But in Hedges’ analysis the opposite is the case: our culture has been created by our political and economic systems. Put more strongly, Hedges believes that “corporate power... holds the government hostage” and “has appropriated for itself the potent symbols, language, and patriotic traditions of the state” (143). It is rampant, unfettered capitalism that has created our culture of illusion and corrupted our political system. “The fantasy of celebrity culture,” Hedges claims, “is not designed simply to entertain us. It is designed to keep us from fighting back” (39). We are distracted into political irrelevance.

The relationship between American culture and politics is thus clear: our political system has been high jacked by the economic system, which has created a culture of illusion that keeps the population distracted into political impotence. This claim is corroborated by Hannah Arendt in he essay ‘Lying In Politics’. In that essay Arendt argues that during the Vietnam war America entered a unique era of politics. For the first time America began to have a public relations strategy. The government was no longer concerned with conveying accurate information to the public, but was rather involved in the business of crafting an image to present to the public to produce a desirable image in the minds of the public and congress. The government began lying and producing false information that was “destined chiefly, if not exclusively, for domestic consumption, for propaganda at home, and especially for the purpose of deceiving Congress” (14, in Crises Of The Republic). This is a unique moment in American political history because now the “goal was now the image itself, as is manifest in the very language of the problem-solvers, with their ‘scenarios’ and ‘audience,’ borrowed from the theater” (17-18). Even when we could no longer win in Vietnam we continued to promote our image, “the goal was no longer one of avoiding humiliating defeat but of finding ways and means to avoid admitting it and ‘save face’” (18). Thus with Vietnam we encounter a new political phenomenon: “Image-making as global policy” (18).

Governmental deception, however, is not merely a top-down phenomenon. On the contrary, Arendt argues that we should bear in mind “the interconnectedness of deception and self-deception.... The deceivers started with self-deception.... they were so convinced of overwhelming success, not on the battlefield, but in the public-relations arena, and so certain of soundness of their psychological premises about the unlimited possibilities in manipulating people, that they anticipated general belief and victory in the battle for people’s minds” (35). Government analysts equipped themselves with a powerful and abstract set of terms in which they could conceptualize the war and their public relations strategy. In the process, Arendt claims that they lost themselves in their abstractions, that their theories got the best of them, and that the deception of the public went hand in hand with self-deception.

Thus it seems that American culture is comprised of illusion and deception from top to bottom. Our government has been pursuing imperial goals and purposefully lying to the public, somehow lying to themselves as well. Or something. This is all getting confusing. But clearly, America’s culture of distraction is a result of our political and economic system. The more these systems fall apart the more we need to distract ourselves. The less sustainable they are the more the government needs to deceive itself. I’m just making stuff up here. But there is clearly a relationship between America’s culture of distraction and our increasingly undemocratic, corporate system. And it seems to be more top down than bottom up; the political and economic effects the cultural more than the other way around. But what does all of this have to do with art? I began this section with the idea that ascertaining the relationship culture and politics would help me speak about art and politics. And I believe that I now can, but only by returning to the concept that I began IV.2 with: Collingwood’s ‘corruption of consciousness’.

Because what I am describing above is Collingwood’s corruption of consciousness in both the American population and the government. The government is not merely corrupting the consciousnesses of the people, the process of lying corrupted them as well. They fell victim to their own self-deception, and they can no longer distinguish the truth. Remember that Collingwood claims that consciousnesses primary task is to convert impressions into ideas, thus apprehending the truth of a situation. Consciousness, truth, and aesthetics are intimately connected for Collingwood. The aesthetic consciousness is one that apprehends the truth. Collingwood thus defines a corrupt consciousness as one that “permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one” (217). And this is precisely what is happening consciousness in America: we no longer know how to distinguish between truth and falsehood. Our illusions have overtaken us and we no longer know reality.

So we let ourselves be distracted, we let amusement take us away from our political and economic difficulties. Because this is precisely where Collingwood believes that corruption of consciousness originates: it comes from unsatisfactory political and economic conditions that force us into a life of distraction and amusement. To face our reality would mean to recognize that our civilization has created conditions that we describe as ‘drudgery’, that are radically unequal and completely unsatisfactory. In fact, Hedges shares almost all of Collingwood’s concerns about our culture: the role of the economy, the prevalence of amusement (alcohol, celebrity, pornography, etc.), and the death of our civilization itself. This is too difficult of an impression to convert into an idea. It is very painful to recognize that our society has created these conditions for itself. So for now we let our consciousness remain corrupt. To have an aesthetic consciousness in these conditions, to perceive the truth in these times, is an awesome task. So we continue to lose ourselves in amusement.

In section five I’ve tried to ascertain the relationship between American culture and politics. It appears as though our political system is at best a managed democracy, and at worst an inverted totalitarianism. This political system sits on a vapid cultural foundation of amusement and empty representation. We are amused and distracted into political docility. Moreover, all of this can be captured in Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness. Our problems, too, are at the intersection of politics, economics, culture, and art. Our task is therefore to defeat the corruption of consciousness. Our task is therefore the recovery of the aesthetic consciousness. Our task is to apprehend the truth about our situation. Our task is properly modern, in the Foucauldian sense of that word.

We have lost our aesthetic consciousness in America. Both at the level of the government and the average citizen. We can no longer distinguish between truth and illusion. We are overrun with amusement. This means that the aesthetic consciousness has grave political importance. If the aesthetic consciousness is one that perceives the truth, then what we need is an aestheticization of politics. To conclude this analysis of art, culture, and politics I’d like to explore this notion of the aestheticization of politics.

6. On A Collingwoodian Aestheticization Of Politics: Concluding Part IV.2

If we accept Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic consciousness as one that is able to ascertain truth by converting difficult impressions into ideas then it should be obvious that our culture of political deception and mass amusement badly needs to rediscover aesthetic consciousness. What we really need is an ‘aestheticization of politics.’ This term, however, was coined by Walter Benjamin and has been subsequently used to signify something that is antithetical to what I am trying to talk about. I claim this is because Benjamin is operating under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic. The first step in defending a true aestheticization of politics, therefore, is a refutation of Benjamin’s definition of the aestheticization of politics. Benjamin, however, is still pointing to a real problem about the dangers of rhetoric and representation in politics. I will therefore use some more contemporary thinkers to clarify precisely what Benjamin’s term should denote about our social and political culture. After that I will explain how, under Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic, the aestheticization of politics would be a profoundly positive and important thing. In particular, I’ll argue that a Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics would leave us striving for something remarkably similar to Clausewitz’s idea about cultivating intuitive judgment in political leaders.

The term ‘the aestheticization of politics’ first appeared in Benjamin’s 1936 essay “ The Work Of Art In The Age Of Its Technological Reproducibility.” In that essay Benjamin concludes that Fascism had effectively ‘aestheticized politics’. With this term Benjamin is trying to communicate a complex idea about the relationship between the masses, technology, art, patterns of action and perception (habits), war, and most importantly, political deception. He arrives at this conclusion through an analysis of the relationship between art and its technological reproducibility.

He claims that with the rise of film and photography art transformed from something about ritual and tradition to something that was more about exhibition and mass exposure. While art used to be about ritual, it is now about mass display and consumption. This shift in the displayability of art has led to a fundamental shift in the purpose of art. Art, he claims, is no longer about ritual and tradition; a technologically reproduced work of art can never possess the aura, the air of authenticity that it once possessed. Art can never be spatially and temporally located like it used to be. The death of art’s aura means a fundamental shift in its purpose: “But as soon as the criterion of authenticity ceases to be applied to artistic production,” he argues, “the whole social function of art is revolutionized. Instead of being founded on ritual, it is based on a different practices: politics” (25, author’s italics). If art can no longer be identified with tradition, it can only be identified with politics. Benjamin believes that film above all else represents this new role of art. Because in film we see for the first time a technologically created, mass consumed, politically relevant work of art. “The function of film,” he argues, “is to train human beings in the apperceptions and reactions needed to deal with a vast apparatus whose role in their lives is expanding daily” (26, author’s italics). In other words, technologically reproduced art, exemplified by film, is intended to provide people with scripts or narratives that are meant to regulate the way people engage with reality. In essence, the technological reproducibility of art directly translates into the reproducibility of individual forms of perception. We can reproduce art, we can display it on mass, and thereby recreate the conceptual equipment of people’s minds.

Film’s capacity to mass produce forms of consciousness, Benjamin believes, has been co-opted by fascism for the pursuit of political ends. He argues that the growth of technology has led to the proletarianization of society. That people are being more and more absorbed into the working classes of industrial capitalism. As a result, “Fascism attempts to organize the new proletarianized masses while leaving intact the property relations which they strive to abolish” (41). He believes that the people naturally want a revolution, that they want to redistribute property in the way that Marx described. Fascism, however, seeks to prevent this by cultivating the masses through ‘aesthetic’ means: they use film, propaganda, and representation to craft the minds of the masses, providing them with certain cognitive-sensory faculties that perpetuate the current distribution of wealth. And these efforts to “aestheticize politics culminate in one point. That one point is war. War, and only war, makes it possible to set a goal for mass movements on the grandest scale while preserving traditional property relations” (41, author’s italics). In other words, the only way fascism could perpetuate the status quo was to take advantage of the reproducibility of art that allowed them to effectively reproduce forms of consciousness in the masses. This is why the technological reproducibility of art has implications “far beyond the realm of art” (22). In particular, film, the greatest example of reproducible art, is used “for counterrevolutionary purposes.” In fact, Benjamin asserts that “the cult of the audience” that film creates “reinforces the corruption by which fascism is seeking to supplant the class consciousness of the masses” (33). Benjamin’s aestheticization of politics, therefore, is fascism’s attempt to use film and other technologically reproducible art in order to craft the consciousness of the masses in order to perpetuate unequal distribution of wealth. And the only logical outcome of this can be war, because war is the only social activity that can “mobilize all of today’s technological resources while maintaining property relations” (41). Thus, we can see how the concept of the aestheticization of politics captures diverse issues such as art, culture, politics, habits of perception, and war. An invaluable concept indeed.

David Harvey also makes use of Benjamin’s concept of the aestheticization of politics. Harvey, however, applies the concept to his analysis of the American political system under the Raegan administration. In The Condition of Postmodernity Harvey argues that the Reagan administration also engaged in practices that can be described as an aestheticization of politics. He explains how under the Reagan administration there were massive cuts in public programs, large amounts of people became homeless, lost their health insurance, and so on. Despite all of these negative trends, the Reagan administration continued to wield a rhetoric that championed ‘traditional’ American values. “A rhetoric that justifies homelessness, unemployment, increasing impoverishment, disempowerment, and the like by appeal to supposedly traditional values of self-reliance and entrepreneurialism,” Harvey claims, “will just as freely laud the shift from ethics to aesthetics as its dominant value system” (337). In this instance, too, we can see what this notion of the aestheticization of politics denotes: It describes a government that is purposefully crafting images in order to regulate the minds of the masses. For Benjamin it was fascism’s use of film and technology to negate the revolutionary potential of the proletariat. For Harvey it is the Reagan administration’s attempt to mask negative social statistics by appeal to a shallow rhetoric of traditional American values.

Benjamin’s ‘aestheticization of politics,’ then, is fundamentally about how representation became a fundamental part of government’s apparatus of control. It is about government’s purposefully using certain types of language and imagery to produce desirable results in the minds of their people. Now is the moment, however, where we must ask whether or not this is an appropriate way of speaking of this problem. Is it appropriate to call this an ‘aestheticization’ of politics? Or are there better ways of speaking about this problem, which is undoubtedly a real thing. Something happened with government in the twentieth century. Government’s certainly have started lying more, have begun to craft their images more deliberately. Recall that Arendt said that “Image-making as global policy... is indeed something new in the huge arsenal of human follies recorded in history” (18). I claim that while this is a real problem, it is inadequate to refer to it as an aestheticization of politics. The inadequacy of this phrase becomes clear if grasp Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic.

The most important distinction in Collingwood’s account of aesthetics, and the one that throws the most light on the issue of referring to the ‘aestheticization’ of politics, is the distinction between art and craft. Collingwood defines craft as “the power to produce a preconceived result by means of consciously controlled and directed action” (Principles, 15). This means a few things. That craft always implies a distinction between means and ends, between a raw material and finished product, and that there is a phase of planning and one of execution. It is often assumed that art is merely a sort of craft. Collingwood refers to this idea as the ‘technical theory of art’. Collingwood, however, is adamant that “it is necessary to disentangle the notion of craft from that of art proper” (15). He says that the ancient Greeks often spoke of art is if though it were a sort of craft. The ancient Greeks discussed poetry as if it were merely a craft. But Collingwood quickly dispels with this idea. If you think about poetry, you have to wonder, how did so and so write this poem? What process did they go through in order to produce it? Was there a phase of planning? What was the raw material and what is the finished product? Collingwood asks, “Suppose the poem is a short one, and composed without the use of any writing materials; what are the means by which the poet composes it?... If one looks at the matter seriously, one sees that the only factors in the situation are the poet, the poetic labour of his mind, and the poem” (20). In this way it is obvious that the creation of a poem is not a matter of mere craft. And nor is it a craft when it comes to the audiences reception of the poem. Collingwood claims that an artist never aims to have a certain effect on his audience, that this is not the artist’s proper business. “Suppose a poet had read his verses to his audience, hoping that they would produce a certain result;” he asks, “and suppose the result were different; would that in itself prove the poem a bad one?... some would say yes, others no. But if poetry were obviously a craft, the answer would be a prompt an unhesitating yes” (21). Collingwood knows, as we all do, that art must involve some element of craft: the artist must have some type of technique if he is to produce the piece of art. But what makes something art must be different from what makes it a craft. They cannot be the same thing. He asserts that “what make Ben Johnson a poet, and a great one, is not his skill to construct such patterns but his imaginative vision of the goddess and her attendants, for whose expression it was worth his while to use that skill, and for whose enjoyment it is worth our while to study the patterns he has constructed” (27). This is why Collingwood defines art as the imaginative expression of emotions, and ultimately, as the creation of imaginary objects. The artists business he says “is not to produce an emotional effect in an audience, but, for example, to make a tune. This tune is already complete and perfect when it exists merely as a tune in his head, that is, an imaginary tune” (139, my italics). Thus, art is the imaginative expression of emotions, and the creation of imaginary objects. The artifact, the physical work of art, is merely a byproduct of the artist’s total imaginative experience. I already gave this definition a 70-something page treatment in Part I. So I don’t feel inclined to flesh this out in detail. But if you really care refer to Part I.1, I.2, and I.3.

One important implication of this distinction between art and craft is that are cannot be a form of representation. Because representation is always about creating a certain image in the mind of the audience, representation is a species of craft. And the artists who aims at representation knows what he wants to do. The representative artist “know how he wants to make his audience feel, and he constructs his artifact in such a way that it will make them feel like that” (53). The artist proper, however, never aims at producing a certain image in the audience’s minds: “the artist draws what he sees, expresses what he feels, makes a clean breast of his experience, concealing nothing and altering nothing. What these people are discussing, when they talk about selection, is not the theory of art proper but the theory of representative art of the second degree, which they mistake for art proper” (56). Aesthetic theory, therefore, does not deal with art as a form of representation. It deals with art as the imaginative expression of emotions.

Now, recall that the so-called ‘aestheticization of politics’ describes a process by which government’s purposefully produces certain types of representation to effect the mentalities of their population. If you grasp what I’ve written above then it should instantly be clear that Benjamin and Harvey are operating under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic. Benjamin does say that for the ancient Greeks aesthetics was the theory of perception. And that seems to be the way that he is using the term. He is talking about how government’s are using representation to control the way people are perceiving things. Collingwood’s definition of aesthetics as a process, however, is more convincing than that. I agree with him that aesthetic theory should deal with how individuals engage in individual expression, how they use their imaginations to discover and express their emotions. Aesthetic theory cannot deal with matters of representation and influencing perception. That belongs to a theory of craft, representation, and perception. It should be clear that if we take Collingwood’s definition of aesthetics seriously, which I do, then the term ‘aestheticization of politics’ simply will not do.

This does not mean, however, that Benjamin and Harvey are not pointing at serious problems with this term. Indeed, there is something very troubling going on with the relationship between politics and representation. Recall Arendt’s analysis of lying in politics: Clearly government’s have begun to use representation, lying, and image-crafting as major parts of their political strategies. Arendt, too, however, makes the mistake of referring to this process as ‘an art’, saying on multiple occasions “the art of making people believe” or “the art of lying” (8,9). It appears to be one of the major ways that government’s have overcome the problem of needing domestic support for their international political goals. Vietnam is a prime example of how a governments lie to their own people to prevent them from interfering with international military endeavors. So, if the term aestheticization of politics will not do, how are we to conceptualize this relationship between government’s and image-crafting?

One person that offers a useful concept is the British Psychologist Guy Claxton. In Hare Brain, Tortoise Mind Claxton argues that western culture is overly committed to highly articulate forms of thought. “We have been inadvertently trapped,” Claxton argues, “in a single mode of mind that is characterised by information-gathering, intellect and impatience, on that requires you to be explicit, articulate, purposeful and to show your reasoning,” and that we “are thus committed (and restricted) to those ways of knowing that can function in such a high-speed mental climate: predominantly those that use language... as a medium and deliberation as a method” (6). We are addicted to language and its ability to represent reality. Claxton traces the development of this mode of thought back to Renaissance philosophers who asserted that rational thinking was the only true mode of thinking. This trend of logocentrism continued through the Enlightenment and up to the present day.

John Gray also believes that western culture has suffered from its logocentrism. In Enlightenment’s Wake he claims that our desire for clear and rational thinking has destroyed our traditional cultures and left us in a state of moral and political nihilism. Gray believes that we may have gone too far down this path to be saved. That “the calculative and representational mode of thinking which philosophy has privileged in modern times is now so hegemonic that the cultural space is lacking in which an alternative mode of thinking might occur” (Gray, 275, my italics). Our logocentrism, for Gray, has serious political implications. He believes that we have put so much faith in language that we adopted a legal model of government and have lost touch with what the political enterprise truly is: an attempt to prevent war, to mitigate conflict between communities. Claxton also believes that our addiction to rational thinking has political consequences. Western logocentrism, he claims, “leads to a kind of flimsy political culture in which no one ever has the time or the inclination not to know, and so buying and selling jumped-to conclusions becomes a substitute for thinking. No wonder so many people disengage from a discourse that has such a transparent lack of depth” (Wayward Mind, 358). Clearly, our political culture has been saturated with representation and logocentrism.

Image-making has become central to modern politics. This is the problem, I claim, that Benjamin and Harvey are pointing at when they discuss ‘the aestheticization of politics’. But the problem is not aesthetics. The problem is lying. The problem is deception. The problem is representation and rhetoric. The problem is that government’s are crafting their image to sway the masses. The real problem, in short, is that politicians have become less like artists, and more like craftsmen. Claxton and Gray agree with me on this point. Claxton claims that “our culture has come to ignore and undervalue [slow ways of knowing], to treat them as marginal or merely recreational, and in so doing has foreclosed on areas of our psychological resources that we need” (Hare Brain, 4). Even though Claxton does not make this point expressly political, its political implications are clear given the statements he makes at the end of The Wayward Mind. Politicians, too, are estranged from slower, less articulate modes of thought, and they too seek quick answers that will benefit their public image. Similarly, Gray ends Enlightenment’s Wake by claiming that if Western politics are to succeed we need a cultural recovery. We need to discover a mode of thinking that is capable of making difficult political decisions and that doesn’t succumb to the moral and political nihilism inherent in Western logocentrism. He claims that “another mode of thinking – found in poetry and mysticism, for example – can assert itself against the domination of the forms of thought privileged by both science and philosophy in Western cultures. It is with these humiliated modes of thought that the prospect of cultural recovery – if there is such a prospect – lies. Only if the ground of Western cultures can renew itself through such modes of thought can any practical measure have lasting effect” (275, my italics).

The issue of logocentrism is also raised directly by Collingwood in The Principles. He claims that the “cosmopolitan civilization of modern Europe and America, with its tendency towards rigidly uniform dress, has limited our expressive activities almost entirely to the voice, and naturally tries to justify itself by asserting that the voice is the best medium for expression” (244-45). Moreover, Collingwood also believes that there are modes of expression beyond voice that are valuable. If “a civilization loses all power of expression except through voice, and then asserts that the voice is the best expressive medium,” he argues, “it is simply saying that it knows of nothing in itself that is worth expressing except what can be thus expressed; and that is tautology, for it merely means ‘what we (members of this particular society) do not know we do not know’, except so far as it suggest the addition: ‘and we do not wish to find out’” (246). Clearly, the issue of logocentrism is one that is at the core of Western culture and politics.

I love Gray’s phrase ‘humiliated modes of thought’. Because that is what they are. We think of art and poetry as silly, frivolous modes of thinking. But they are essential. There must be some way to reinvigorate our culture, and therefore our politics, with an aesthetic core. There must be a proper aestheticization of politics, in the Collingwoodian sense of that term.

If this is the case, then what would a proper, Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics be? What would it mean for a politician to be an artist? The key thing to remember is that for Collingwood aesthetic expression is inseparable from a genuine search for truth. The artist is someone who uses consciousness to convert a difficult impression (emotion) into an expressible idea, thereby arriving at an important truth. For Collingwood, a statements “artistic merit and its truth are the same thing” (287). The truth that is discovered, however, is not a generic or worldly truth, it is a “knowledge of the individual,” a knowledge of our own minds (289). So does it matter that politicians know themselves and their own minds? How would a politician pursue personal truth in aesthetic way that would translate into political truth and action? How could one become a political aesthetician? In order to answer these questions I will turn to three thinkers: Carl von Clausewitz, Alfred Mahan, and Michel Foucault. In these thinkers I see a way to conceptualize political choice as an aesthetic process. I am going to delay this inquiry, however, until Part IV.4, ‘The Aesthetic Existence and Politics Proper’. In that section I will delve most fully into the relationship between art proper, the aesthetic life, and politics.

The last thing I would like to before moving on is to quickly establish the relationship between these three sections: between the corruption of consciousness, corporate democracy, and Benjamin’s aestheticization of politics. All three of these concepts exist at the intersection between art, culture, politics, and economics. But in terms of tracing causation, what causes what, I’m not so sure. It seems to me that the fusion of economics and politics, as happened in the present, and potentially with fascism, we see the corruption of consciousness and the aestheticization of politics emerging. It seems that the corruption of consciousness emerges as a result to unsatisfactory political and economic situations. I already established with Hedges’ that it was possible for economics to create the cultural base it works in. It is not just that culture serves as a base for politics and economics, they can also affect culture. And I agree with Collingwood that the corruption of consciousness as a cultural force, the spread of distraction and amusement, has a lot to do with our political and economic systems. So this is why these three sections belong together. Collingwood shows us that we are living in a culture of corrupt consciousness, and that this is a result of our economic system. Wolin and Hedges corroborate these claims, and show that the same phenomenon exists in present day America. We, too, are existing in a political-economic system that encourages us to withdraw into distraction and amusement, our system corrupts our consciousnesses. And this is achieved, in part, by a deliberate attempt of government’s to lie. Government’s want to keep the masses distracted, want to diffuse our revolutionary potential or class consciousness, and amusement is a great way to do it. Corporate democratic government’s thrive on corrupt consciousnesses. This, however, is not to be called an ‘aestheticization of politics’, but perhaps something like ‘representative politics’, or ‘image-crafting politics’. Soon I’ll explain what aesthetic politics would really be. I began touching on it with Gray and Claxton, on the importance of escaping from logocentrism to recover ‘humiliated modes of thought’ that might lead to a cultural and political recovery. But for now I’m content to have shown how politics, economics, and lying in government combine to create a culture of distraction that breeds corrupt consciousnesses. I am happy to have roughly traced some of the connections between art, culture, and politics.

From here I need to undertake an analysis of the political implications of the aesthetic existence, which I outlined in Part III. I need to figure out how the aesthetic existence, which is a process that takes place in an individual mind, relates to these larger issues of politics and culture. In Part IV.3 I’ll be looking at the idea of ‘individual politics’. The idea that our thoughts, our actions, our personal lives are thoroughly political. This will involve a lot of looking at Foucault and his political work. I intend to refute this idea that the personal is political. Not in the sense that personal issues are not political issues, because they often are. But I plan on refuting the idea that thinking differently is, in itself, a political act. In large, I will be refuting my own work from the Society’s Implicit War essays.