Showing posts with label David Harvey. Show all posts
Showing posts with label David Harvey. Show all posts

Friday, October 14, 2011

Art, Zen, and Insurrection: Finding Personal and Social Change In The Art of Life Part IV.2

It has been six months since I have completed a portion of this project. I posted Part IV.1 in April. Then everything fell apart. I got really confused. I didn't know how to deal with the outline I had created. I didn't know how to synthesize my reading and thinking. My momentum fizzled out. So I took some time off. Finally something clicked and I was able to begin writing again. After this all I have to do is Part IV.3 and IV.4. Then I'm done. But here is IV.2 and a table of contents for it:

Part IV.2: Art, Culture, And Politics

4. Art, Amusement, And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Collingwood On Distraction In Western Culture And Politics

5. The Corporate State And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Art and Amusement in Capitalist Culture

6. On A Collingwoodian Aestheticization Of Politics: Concluding Part IV.2

In the last section I analyzed the relationship between politics, war, violence, and power. I concluded that while violence is fundamental to peace (primarily in terms of objective violence), war is not. I think that I successfully disentangled the violence of peace from the violence of war. The key factor of the analysis was Zizek’s distinction between objective and subjective violence. With that distinction I was able to understand that the violence that was inherent to peace was primarily objective violence that keeps subjective violence at a minimum, while war, on the other hand, contains objective violence that is intended to organize large scale subjective violence. The entire purpose of Part IV is to understand if there is any significant relationship between politics, art, and the aesthetic existence. So that analysis of war and politics was the first step in me addressing that larger issue.

Now that I have successfully disentangled the violence of peace and war, I need to take the next step towards the relationship between art and politics by analyzing the relationship between politics and culture broadly. Once I ascertain the relationship between politics and culture I will hopefully be able to have clearer thoughts about the potential relationships between art and politics.

I am going to conduct this analysis in three major sections. In the first section I’ll be using Collingwood’s work to show that he believed that Western art, culture, economics, and politics were intimately intertwined. In particular, I’ll show how his concept of ‘the corruption of consciousness’ captures the complex relationship between art, culture, and politics. In the second section I’ll be trying to apprehend the relationship between politics and culture, both in general and in America in particular. I’ll use John Gray’s argument that political engagement always requires a common cultural base to analyze the relationship between American culture and politics. I’ll try to show that America’s strange breed of corporate democracy is supported by a vapid cultural base of celebrity worship and distraction. Finally I’ll examine Walter Benjamin’s notion of the ‘aestheticization of politics’. I’ll argue that the concept operates under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic, and rather describes the presence of lying, deception, and representation in politics, and does not refer to anything that can accurately be called ‘aesthetic’. That will then set me up to begin hinting at what it would mean, in a Collingwoodian sense, to ‘aestheticize politics’. Because an aestheticization of politics, under Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic, would be inseparable from a genuine attempt at expression and truth. This line of thinking about a Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics will ultimately be pursued in Part IV.4. Here we go.

4. Art, Amusement, The Corruption of Consciousness: Collingwood On Distraction In Western Culture And Politics

So I want to begin this inquiry into the relationship between art, culture, and politics by explicating an idea from The Principles Of Art that I have not dealt with adequately: Collingwood’s notion of ‘the corruption of consciousness’. Collingwood believes that consciousness is useful in that it lets us turn our raw emotions into ideas, providing us with self-knowledge and emotional stability. The mind’s knowledge of itself is always a critical issue for Collingwood. A corrupt consciousness, therefore, is one that “permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one.” This happens, Collingwood argues, “not because the feeling, as an impression, is an alarming impression, but because the idea into which we are converting it proves an alarming idea. We cannot see our way to dominate it, and shrink from persevering in the attempt. We therefore give it up, and turn our attention to something less intimidating.” Furthermore, Collingwood believes that the corruption of consciousness is not uncommon: “So far from being a bare possibility, it is an extremely common fact” (217). In earlier sections I discussed how art was supposed to be the antidote to the corruption of consciousness. But I don’t think I gave the issue enough consideration, and I don’t think I really explored its cultural and political implications. So that is what I’d like to do now. First I’d like to briefly try to explicate the corruption of consciousnesses relationship to amusement art. Second, I’d like to explain how this the rise of amusement and the corruption of consciousness is tied to larger economic and political factors. Lastly, I’ll briefly look at how Collingwood believed that art itself was the antidote to the corruption of consciousness.

Collingwood spend a significant amount of time in The Principles explaining how amusement art differs from art proper. It is in the course of that discussion that Collingwood first begins to point towards the issue of the corruption of consciousness. He doesn’t introduce the term, however, until his chapter on ‘Imagination and Consciousness’. Thus the best way to understand the relationship between the corruption of consciousness and amusement art is to understand Collingwood’s concept of consciousness.

Collingwood believes that consciousness is the mental faculty that is capable of converting a raw sensation (an impression) into something imaginary (an idea). By focusing our consciousness on one of our raw sensations we are able to elevate it into an idea that we can then consciously reconstitute, understand, and manipulate. The true task of consciousness, therefore, is to turn our raw emotions into ideas, and in that process dominating and domesticating those emotions, taming their effect on our psyche. Thus there is a relationship between consciousness and truth. If an emotion “is thus recognized, it is converted from impression into idea, and thus dominated or domesticated by consciousness. If it is not recognized, it is simply relegated to the other side of the dividing line: left unattended to, or ignored” (217). There is, however, another option: “The recognition may take place abortively. It may be attempted, but prove a failure. It is as if we should bring a wild animal indoors, hoping to domesticate it, and then, when it bites, lose our nerve and let go. Instead of becoming a friend, what we have brought into the house has become an enemy” (ibid.). This abortive attempt at conscious recognition of emotions is what Collingwood calls the corruption of consciousness. A corrupt consciousness is one that is incapable of showing down its emotions, one that defers the difficult task of converting painful sensations into ideas. He calls it “the ‘corruption’ of consciousness; because consciousness permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one” (217).

In previous sections I explained how consciousness was connected to art: For Collingwood art is a process in which we successfully use consciousness to turn impression into idea, and thus succeed at expressing ourselves artistically. The aesthetic process is all about the successful use of consciousness for this conversion of a raw sensation into an expressible idea.

But now I want to ask: what is amusement art? And what does it have to do with the corruption of consciousness? Collingwood defines amusement art as art that is intended to arouse emotions that are not meant for “discharge into the occupations of ordinary life, but for enjoyment as something of value in itself” (78). Amusement art therefore lacks the expressiveness and the utility of art proper: its purpose is to divert our attention to something pleasurable, to distract us from the realities of life. Art proper, on the other hand, would be about using consciousness to successfully convert a sensation into an idea, to showdown our deepest emotions and to come to grips with them. “The corruption of consciousness in virtue of which a man fails to express a given emotion makes him at the same time unable to know whether he has expressed it or not. He is, therefore, for one and the same reason, a bad artist and a bad judge of his own art” (283). In short, “corruption of consciousness is the same thing as bad art” (285).

The relationship between amusement and and the corruption of consciousness should be obvious: A mind or society that is predominantly occupied by amusement is likely to suffer from the corruption of consciousness. If you are always distracted, always enjoying some type of amusement that occupies your mind, you have no opportunity or need to direct your consciousness at larger problems. In fact, larger circumstances may encourage one to find refuge in amusement. In other words, corrupt consciousnesses may be systematically produced by political-economic systems, it may be an integral part of a systems internal logic. I’ll be coming back to this point in the next section.

One important distinction to bear in mind is the difference between amusement and recreation. Collingwood is careful to point out that certain pastimes that may appear to be amusement may actually have practical benefits, therefore making them fall out of his distinction for amusement, and falling under the category ‘recreation’. If I spend a weekend relaxing and having a good time it is possible that I am just amusing myself, avoiding work, suffering from a corrupt consciousness. But if after that weekend I feel refreshed and ready to cheerfully continue my work, then my relaxing “turned out to be not amusement but recreation. The difference between amusement and recreation consists in the debit or credit effect they produce on the emotional energy available for practical life” (95). A form of enjoyable or amusing art is only dangerous if ”the debt it imposes on these stores of energy is too great to be paid off in the ordinary course of living. When this reaches a point of crisis, practical life, or ‘real’ life becomes, emotionally bankrupt; a state of things which we describe by speaking of its intolerable dullness or calling it a drudgery“ (95). Further, Collingwood calls the excessive use of amusement a ‘mental disease’: “A moral disease has set in, whose symptoms are a constant craving for amusement and an inability to take any interest in the affairs of ordinary life, the necessary work of livelihood and social routine. A person in whom the disease has become chronic is a person with more or less settled conviction that amusement is the only thing that makes life worth living. A society in which the disease is endemic is one in which most people feel some such conviction most of the time” (95).

So the relationship between the corruption of consciousness and amusement art is hopefully clear. The next thing I’d like to ask is where the corruption of consciousness comes from. Why are individuals or societies craving amusement and distraction from their daily lives? Collingwood points to certain social, economic, and political organizations as a major breeding ground for the corruption of consciousness. He cites ancient Rome as an example of the way that the corruption of consciousness and an amusement-society come into existence. “The critical moment was reached,” he claims, “when Rome created an urban proletariat whose only function was to eat free bread and watch free shows” (99). It was political and economic success that led to the growth of Rome’s population and their capacity for creating amusement. “Once a class had been created whose only interest lay in amusement, it acted as an abscess which by degrees drew away all emotional energies from the affairs of real life. Nothing could arrest the spread of amusement” (99). Collingwood is suggesting that amusement and the corruption of consciousness are caused by socio-economic factors like population growth, employment, and consumer culture. He believes that material conditions can create corrupt consciousness. I wonder about the relationship between Collingwood and Marx.

Collingwood then gives a sweeping account of the rise of amusement in Modern European culture. He claims that with the decline of Christianity art had to redefine itself as something distinct from religion. He argues that at some point the rising dominant class became intolerant of art, and preferred to think of it as mere amusement. He claims that a “tradition of hostility entered into the main stream of modern civilization through its inheritance by nonconformist bankers and manufacturers, the class which became dominant in the modern world; and how that event drove the artistic consciousness of the modern world, at the very moment when it was liberating itself from the shackles of amusement, into the position of something outcast and persecuted” (100). From there, he claims the process continued. The political-economic system of manufacturing and banking continued to grow, and amusement became more and more popular. He says that at some point the middle and lower classes, too, became addicted to art, and from there we find our current situation. Further, the dominant classes worked to destroy folklore and other traditions that the lower classes clung to. And with the destruction of their lower-class subculture they too became addicted to amusement: “Football... came first; then came the cinema and the wireless; and the poor, throughout the country, went amusement mad.... Increased production combined with the break-down of economic organization led to the appearance of an unemployed class, forced unwillingly into a parasitic conditions, deprived of the magical arts in which their grandfathers took their pleasure fifty years ago, left functionless and aimless in the community, living only to accept panem et circenses, the dole and the films” (102). The key factor in the rise of the corruption of consciousness is therefore unsatisfactory socio-economic situations that incline a society to seek refuge in amusement.

Collingwood then goes on to claim that his society, late 1930’s England, was also suffering from a fixation on amusement. He says that the corruption of consciousness “is notoriously endemic among ourselves. Among its symptoms are the unprecedented growth of the amusement trade, to meet what has become an insatiable craving.... the use of alcohol, tobacco, and many other drugs, not for ritual purposes, but to deaden the nerves and distract the mind from the tedious and irritating concerns of ordinary life; the almost universal confession that boredom, or lack of interest in life, is felt as a constant or constantly recurring state of mind.” (96, my italics). But why is modern English culture also caught up with amusement and the corruption of consciousness? What is causing its spread in the modern world?

Collingwood’s answer is clear: the economic system that provides our basic means to subsistence is largely responsible for the corruption of consciousness and the spread of amusement. He explains how the language we use to describe our work betrays our feelings about the nature of the work. He claims there was “an almost universal agreement that the kinds of work on which the existence of a civilization like ours most obviously depends (notably the work of industrial operatives and the clerical staff in business of every kind, and even that of the agricultural labourers and other food-winners who are the prime agents in the maintenance of every civilization hitherto existing) is an intolerable drudgery; the discovery that what makes this intolerable is not the pinch of poverty or bad housing or disease but the nature of the work itself in the conditions our civilization has created” (97, my italics). Forgive the long quotations. I just find Collingwood’s writing in this section to be so powerful. He is making very strong statement about capitalist culture, and the way it inclines us towards amusement and distraction.

It seems as though capitalism itself may incline us towards the corruption of consciousness. We are living in conditions we have created that we refer to as ‘drudgery’. It would be very difficult to come to terms with the fact that we have done this to ourselves. If we are to turn our conscious to our situation we will realize that we are living in a man-made economic system that puts us in these positions of drudgery, exploitation, and inequality. This is of our own doing. To face that reality is incredibly hard. To truly turn those sensations into ideas is difficult and painful. Thus we use amusement “to deaden the nerves and distract the mind from the tedious and irritating concerns of ordinary life; the almost universal confession that boredom, or lack of interest in life, is felt as a constant or constantly recurring state of mind.” All of this “suggests that our civilization has been caught in a vortex, somehow connected with its attitude towards amusement, and that some disaster is impending which, unless we prefer to shut our eyes to it and perish, if we are to perish, in the dark, it concerns us to understand” (97).

Collingwood thus argues that capitalism is a major factor in the rise of amusement in western culture. He claims that we are so dissatisfied with the conditions we have created for ourselves that we numb ourselves with amusement. That our consciousnesses are corrupt because we cannot face the reality that we have created these conditions for ourselves. This conclusion about the relationship between capitalism and amusement then has implications for the notion of the state and a citizenry.

Apart from economic conditions, Collingwood suggests that a lack political and civil responsibility also contributes to the rise of amusement. He says that in ancient Rome the urban proletariat had no obligations to the state, and therefore had no other option but to amuse themselves. The creation of the Roman urban proletariat “meant the segregation of an entire class which had no work to do whatever; no positive function in society, whether economic or military or administrative or intellectual or religious; only the business of being supported and being amused” (99, my italics). And this remained true for much of the Middle Ages. He says that “by the fact that [the people] had no duties to the community, whether military or administrative or administrative or magical, such as occupied the real gentry. They had nothing to do but amuse themselves” (101). And this makes me wonder about American culture’s relationship to amusement. I feel like I have very few obligations to the state. I have no military or civic commitments of any kind. And as a result I don’t think I feel very fulfilled by my existence in this political-economic system. I feel as though I may be, we may be, suffering from a similar disease that Collingwood recognized in his own culture.

This idea has serious implications for the health of a civilization. Collingwood believes that our attitude towards amusement may signify the downfall of our civilization. He believes that the decline of ancient Rome was deeply intertwined with the rise of the amusement trade. He admits that “Historical parallels are blind guides. There is no certainty that our civilization is tracing a path like that of the later Roman Empire. But the parallel, so far as it has yet developed, is alarmingly close” (102). But what are we to do? If our civilization is slipping into decay, what can we do? Collingwood assures us that war is of no use in this instance: “The gunman’s remedy is no use. We need not buy revolvers and rush off to do something drastic. What we are concerned with is the threatened death of a civilization.... Civilizations die and are born not with waving of flags or the noise of machineguns in the streets, but in the dark, in a stillness, when no one is aware of it. It never gets into the papers” (103-104). The stakes could not be higher. When Collingwood talks about the relationship between art, amusement, economics, and politics, he is talking about the life and death of civilizations. The philosophy of art somehow has implications that extend this far.

So what are we to do about the corruption of consciousness that has been brought about by our amusement-saturated capitalist culture? Well, Collingwood argues that art itself is the antidote to the corruption of consciousness. That what we need is an artist that is capable of being a spokesman for the community. We need an artist who can take initiative and express the secret frustration that everyone in society is feeling. We need an artist that can help society collectively battle the corruption of consciousness: “For the evils which come from... ignorance the poet as prophet suggest no remedy, because he has already given one. The remedy is the poem itself. Art is the community’s medicine for the worst disease of mind, the corruption of consciousness” (336). Collingwood believed that T.S. Eliot’s poem The Wasteland was an example of a work of art that was speaking the heart of a community, attempting to rid it of its corrupt consciousness: The Wasteland “depicts a world where the wholesome flowing water of emotion, which alone fertilizes all human activity, has dried up. Passions that once ran so strongly as to threaten the defeat of prudence, the destruction of human individuality, the wreck of men’s little ships, are shrunk to nothing. No one gives; no one will risk himself by sympathizing; no one has anything to control. We are imprisoned in ourselves, becalmed in windless selfishness. The only emotion left us is fear: fear of emotion itself, fear of death by drowning in it, fear in a handful of dust” (335, my italics). And for Collingwood this process is nothing short of a battle. I’m fascinated by the use of militaristic metaphors, and Collingwood doesn’t hold back with them: “Corruption of consciousness is not a recondite sin or a remote calamity which overcomes only an unfortunate or accursed few; it is a constant experience in the life of every artist, and his life is a constant and, on the whole, a successful warfare against it. But this warfare always involves a very present possibility of defeat; and then a certain corruption becomes inveterate” (284, my emphasis). For Collingwood, therefore, the work of art itself is the cure for the corruption of consciousness. The only way to overcome our addiction to amusement is to embrace art proper, to embrace art as a process of imaginatively expressing our deepest emotions.

Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness therefore serves as a great starting point for analyzing the relationship between art, culture, and politics. In it I see a way to understand how larger social processes, like politics or economics, influence culture, and in turn, effect individual minds. Collingwood argues that our economic system has given us monotonous work that offers us no obligations to our nation or community. As a result, we experience a sense of emptiness in our daily routines and means to subsistence. Collingwood claims that the nature of our work has transformed us into a culture that is addicted to amusement. He claims that our stance towards amusement has turned us into a society full of corrupt consciousnesses, and that the only cure is a return to art proper, to art as an expressive process. This is a sloppy explication. I don’t think I did this very clearly. But all that matters is that Collingwood’s concept of the corruption of consciousness is loaded with implications about the relationship between politics, economics, culture, and art.

Next I’d like to take Collingwood’s work and use it to ask questions about contemporary American culture. Is amusement thriving in modern America? Is it related to our political-economic system? Why is art so irrelevant in America? How are we to regard it? I hope to use Hedges, Wolin, Zizek, and others to answer these questions.

5. The Corporate State And The Corruption Of Consciousness: Art and Amusement In Capitalist Culture

In the last section I claimed that Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness is useful in that it offers a way to conceptualize a problem that is at the intersection of politics, economics, culture, and art. Now I want to try and apply that concept to some analyses of contemporary American society. But before I do that I have to make some more basic observations about the relationship between politics and culture. From there I will be able to discuss American politics and culture more intelligently.

In Enlightenment’s Wake John Gray argues that the Enlightenment project has fundamentally failed. Gray recognizes that the Enlightenment was a diverse phenomenon that had different regional manifestations. Yet he insists that regardless of location it was sustained by core goals and assumptions, “above all by the hope that human beings will shed their traditional allegiances and their local identities and unite in a universal civilization grounded in generic humanity and a rational morality” (Gray, 2). Gray claims that the Enlightenment project’s focus on the development of rational institutions means that “it cannot even begin to grapple with the political dilemmas of an age in which political life is dominated by renascent particularisms, militant religions and resurgent ethnicities” (ibid.). In short, Enlightenment philosophy failed because it does not grasp the intimate relationship between political organization and culture.

Gray, therefore, wants to develop a political philosophy that accounts for the inextricability of culture and politics. Because, for Gray, “political allegiance... presupposes a common cultural identity, which is reflected in the polity to which allegiance is given; political order, including that of a liberal state, rests upon a pre-political order of common culture” (120). Politics can never be a fully rational enterprise, but one that has to find its foundations in a already existing common culture. This means that “[a]llegiance to a liberal state is, on this view, never primarily to principles which it may be thought to embody, and which are supposed to be compelling for all human beings; it is always to specific institutions, having a specific history, and to the common culture that animates them, which itself is a creature of historical contingency” (117). We are cultural and historical beings, and our political institutions can only function within that context.

Gray takes free market theory as one of his major examples about the relationship between culture and political organization. Market theorists, according to Gray, have often created economic models assuming that they would function regardless of the culture in which they were created. That market institutions, if properly organized, would not need a cultural base in order to thrive. Gray adamantly opposes this notion. He claims that “the insight of the social market theorists that the cultural matrices of market institutions are as important, and no less diverse, than their legal frameworks, should make us sceptical of the claims of any model for market institutions, and of any mode of policy which is based on the tacit assumption that there is a single ideal-typical form of market institutions to which all economies will, should, or can, approximate” (58). Instead, he advances “a general conception of market institutions in which they are theorized not as self-enclosed systems but as human practices that always come deeply embedded in matrices of cultural tradition and in legal and political frameworks, to which they owe all their stability and legitimacy” (94). In John Gray I find a way to conceptualize the relationship between politics in culture. I see how common culture must always serve as the foundation of political and economic organization.

So, if Gray is correct in his assessment of the relationship between culture and politics, where does that leave me in terms of understanding the relationship between politics and culture in America? What, generally, is American culture like right now? How does American culture stand in relation to the American political and economic systems? What is the status of art proper and amusement are in America? How pervasive is amusement and the corruption of consciousness in America?

In order to answer these questions I will have to try and parse the relationship between American culture and politics. Obviously this is a complex problem and any adequate answer would trace the interconnections between these different categories. I, unfortunately, don’t have the time or resources to do that. So I’ll be analyzing this in an obviously delimited way. Roughly, I’ll primarily be using Sheldon Wolin’s analysis of American politics in Democracy Incorporated, with a little bit of supporting help from Hannah Arendt and Zizek. Then I’ll be using Chris Hedges’ account of American culture in Empire of Illusion, again with support from some other thinkers. So, I’ll go from politics to the culture that supports it. Finally I’ll try to explain how it all relates to the issue of aesthetics.

So what precisely is going on in the American political system? Is this a democracy that we live in? Or is something else going on? According the Sheldon Wolin, America is not a democracy, and it was never intended to be one. From the time of the founding fathers up to the present, Wolin argues, America has always had a ruling elite that has tempered the political power of the the people, the demos. In other words, America has always had a ruling elite that has sought to manage democracy, to keep the people from exerting too much power. While the history of America is long and complex, it is useful to isolate three moments in our political history: the writing of the constitution, the beginning of the Cold War, and the beginning of the war on terror. In each of these moments America moves further from true democracy and closer to what Wolin calls ‘inverted totalitarianism’: A system in which a diverse set of institutions cooperate to turn the free exchange of ideas into “their managed circularity” with the goal of regulating the people and controlling the electoral process (7). “The key components” of inverted totalitarianism, Wolin claims, “are corporate capital, the very rich, small business associations, large media organizations, evangelical Protestant leaders, and the Catholic hierarchy. Models of organization tend to be corporate as well as military” (185). So how did this happen? How did America become a managed democracy? How did America become an inverted totalitarian state? A brief look at those three historical moments will throw some light on this issue.

Wolin claims that America was never a true democracy, even the writers of the constitution wished to temper the potential power of the masses. Wolin claims that James Madison, the ‘father of the constitution’, was skeptical of the people’s ability to decide for themselves, and intended for a group of ruling elites to be the arbiters of power. He claims that Madison wished to divide the demos “and thereby prevent it permanently from gaining the unity of purpose necessary to concert its numerical power and dominate all branches of government.” Madison essentially “produced the theory of how–at the national level–to render majoritarianism forever disaggregated and incoherent” (Wolin, 234, my emphasis). This was accomplished, among other means, through the opening of the frontier. The notion of the frontier has been a major force in American ideology. It is a representation of “democratic virtues of independence, freedom, and individualism. It had supplied ‘what has been distinctive and valuable in America’s contributions to the history of the human spirit’” (232). But the frontier also served as a means of managing democracy. It was a major way of achieving “the fulfillment of Madison’s strategy for dispersing the demos” (233). Thus, even at its founding, the American political system was never intended to be a democracy. It was designed to disperse the potential of the masses so that a ruling elite could wield political power.

America’s attempt to manage democracy, however, gained a new dynamic after World War II. Wolin claims that with the advent of the Cold War the US entered a state of imagined ‘permanent global war’. That suddenly America could frame its policies as part of an ongoing global war that demanded radical decision making by a political elite. Nuclear weapons made the world a more complex and dangerous place, and leaders were therefore more justified in their exclusion of the demos.

It was during World War II and the beginning of the Cold War that America first begins to take on the characteristics of what Wolin calls inverted totalitarianism. Wolin claims that prior to WWII America was moving closer to an ideal of social democracy, but that during WWII American politics became more about international projection of power and that the “bonds between liberalism and democracy began to unravel” (27). Instead, America was now set on international war and victory in the Cold War. As a result, “A ‘defense establishment,’ comprising the economy, the military, and the state, came into being” (28). The development of these goals, in turn, transformed America. Wolin argues that in order to defeat the Soviet Union the United States began to adopt their goals: “The United States had adopted the same goals as the Soviets: global supremacy and a regime change by means of subversion.” (Ibid.). “Thus,” Wolin concludes, “anticommunism as mimesis: the character of the enemy supplied the norm for the power demands that the democratic defender of the free world chose to impose on itself” (37). WWII and the Cold War, therefore, transformed the US from a state with liberal goals of expanding social welfare (i.e. The New Deal) into a state that was competing for global dominance and military supremacy.

A major part of pursuing these ambitious international goals is a strategy for controlling domestic unrest. If the population is unhappy with the government’s international ambitions they could easily protest and potentially prevent these goals from being achieved. The US, therefore, pursued an aggressive strategy of domestic control. They launched a “public relations strategy,” urging that “‘in any announcement of policy and in the character of the measures adopted the emphasis should be given to the essentially defensive character and care should be taken to minimize, so far as possible, unfavorable domestic and foreign reactions” (31). The management of the government’s image became a paramount concern.

America, however, did not achieve these goals in the same way as the Soviets. Rather than achieving domestic and international control through an oppressive centralized state apparatus, the US sought to control their population through subtler means. Instead, the US disseminated propaganda through a diverse set of institutions, through private media and corporations. We now have a system that is “driven by abstract totalizing power, not by personal rule, one that succeeds by encouraging political disengagement rather than mass mobilization, that relies more on ‘private’ media than on public agencies to disseminate propaganda reinforcing the official version of events” (44). And all of this began with WWII and the Cold War. Wolin gives all of this a much more nuanced treatment than I’m doing. But frankly I haven’t studied the book enough. It is challenging.

This system persisted until the present, and Wolin claims that it gained new momentum with 9/11 and the advent of the war on terror. After 9/11 we were living in a different political and social world. The government can no longer claim the threat of the Cold War, but they can now claim to be waging a war against terrorism. This claim to war allows the government to instill fear in the population and to legitimate certain policies, such as the patriot act or their policies on torture. The notion of terrorism has been exploited in an attempt to depoliticize the population, keep us from being involved in war or any type of democratic process, leaving the government clear to pursue corporate and imperial goals. “A world where warfare has no boundaries, spatial or temporal, and hence no limits,” as is the case with the war on terror, “was not the simple product of terrorism but that of its exploitation” (72). Thus 9/11 has given the government an opportunity to once again claim that we are constantly at war, allowing them to pursue imperial goals while depoliticizing the population.

I want to quickly note that this is not something that is the result of the conscious choice on behalf of individuals. It is something larger than any individual. “Inverted totalitarianism... is largely independent of any particular leader and requires no personal charisma to survive: its model is the corporate ‘head,’ the corporation’s public representative” (44). It differs from those other totalitarian states that depended on strong leaders: “inverted totalitarianism comes into being, not by design, but by inattention to the consequences of actions or especially inactions. Or, more precisely, inattention their cumulative consequences” (209). This is similar to Foucault’s notion of ‘strategy’: History gains momentum, institutions develop, individuals tap into them and affect them, but the historical momentum is stronger than any one individual. The dynamics of the institutions shape people and perpetuate conditions.

Thus if we trust Wolin, which I’m not sure if we should, America is no longer a democratic state, and may never have been. Rather, it is a superpower that pursues its own imperial goals. Furthermore, the government has been thoroughly infiltrated by corporate and religious interests. They are the ones really running the show. All of this is accomplished through a diverse network of institutions (corporate, media, religious, etc.) that seek to depoliticize the population. Put most strongly, (and perhaps hyperbolically) the goals of imperial and totalitarian states are pursued in an inverted fashion, directing power not from a centralized state, but from a dispersed apparatus.

Slavoj Zizek corroborates these claims in In Defense Of Lost Causes. In that book, Zizek offers an array of claims and insights about the nature of contemporary democracy. Frankly, I don’t grasp the book. But there is one claim he makes about democracy that is relevant to Wolin’s claims. Zizek claims that democracy essentially has two definitions. One the one hand, democracy in its raw form is the outburst of the people: “the violent egalitarian rise of the logic of those who are ‘supernumerary,’ the ‘part of no part,’ those who, while formally included within the social edifice, have no determinate place within it” (265). Democracy literally means the people and their capacity to politically assert themselves. But democracy, “in the way the term is used today,” means “above all, formal legalism: its minimal definition is unconditional adherence to a certain formal rules which guarantee that antagonisms are fully absorbed into the agonistic game” (264). I would agree with Zizek that democracy today is primarily a formal process. Zizek’s solution? The institutionalization of that radical democratic impulse. “The problem,” he claims, “is thus: how to regulate/institutionalize the very violent egalitarian democratic impulse, how to prevent it being drowned in democracy in the second sense of the term (regulated procedure)? If there is no way to do it, then ‘authentic’ democracy remains a momentary utopian outburst which, on the proverbial morning after, has to be normalized” (266). Zizek is quite difficult here. This idea makes sense to me in a very abstract way, but I really don’t know what it means to institutionalize violent egalitarianism. While his proposed solution is abstract and difficult to translate into concrete terms, his insights about the two senses of the term democracy are quite easy to incorporate into this analysis. It would seem that American democracy as regulated procedure has clearly overtaken the capacity of the marginalized masses to exert any sort of radical egalitarian logic. Although, occupy Wall Street is happening as I write this. So maybe I’m wrong. Maybe people have woken up a bit.

So, if this is indeed the state of the American political system, the next question I need to ask is: What is the cultural foundation that allows such a system to exist? For this question I will turn to Mr. Chris Hedges.

In Empire Of Illusion, Chris Hedges offers a scathing critique of American culture. He argues that our most cherished cultural virtues, such as literacy, love, education, happiness, and the nation itself, have all slowly declined into a state of illusion. Literary culture has been overrun and replaced by a vapid celebrity culture where “the fabricated, the inauthentic, and the theatrical have displaced the natural, the genuine, and the spontaneous, until reality itself has been converted into stagecraft” (Hedges, 15). While in the realm of love we have become overrun by a culture of increasingly violent pornography that degrades women and commodifies their bodies. Education has taken a similar path: the universities have ceased to be subversive intellectual institutions, the humanities have become politically impotent, and the university system has become a factory for the economy, “training an inhumane, deeply frustrated, indifferent, game-driven people” (95). Moreover, Hedges claims that there has been a direct assault on the humanities and that students of these once critical disciplines “have been trained only to find solutions that will maintain the system (103). Happiness, too, has been corrupted. So-called ‘positive psychologists‘ claim that happiness is now the ultimate goal, and that it is to be pursued through personal change or medication. Hedges claims that these ‘quack scientists‘ are “effective in keeping people from questioning the structures around them that are responsible for their misery. Positive Psychology gives an academic patina to fantasy” (120). Finally, the nation itself has become an empire of illusion. Hedges‘ goes off hard: “At no period in American history has our democracy been in such peril or the possibility of totalitarianism so real. Our way of life is over.... Our children will never have the standard of living he had.... There is little President Obama can do to stop it. It has been decades in the making” (145). The result of this all is radical transformation of our mental worlds: “Celebrity culture has taught us to generate, almost unconsciously, interior personal screenplays in the mold of Hollywood, television, and even commercials. We have learned ways of speaking and thinking that disfigure the way we relate to the world” (17, my italics). We are living illusory lives. We are living in a culture of distraction that clears the way for the inverted totalitarian state that Wolin describes.

This, then, is the cultural base that supports America’s managed democracy, America’s inverted totalitarianism. If the people are distracted they won’t get involved in politics. We are too busy with vapid television, pornography, and spectator-sport militarism to be a politically volatile people. Of course, as I write this, thousands of people are protesting in New York, Seattle (where I currently am), and other major American cities. Some of us have woken up, they claim. I am trying to wake up. I’m not out there in the streets. But I’m trying not to be distracted. I’m trying to withdraw and learn, learn, learn, as Zizek encourages me to do in the final lines of the introduction to Violence. But I fear that much of the country is distracted into a position of political paralyzation. What are we to do in such a world? How are we to act politically when the process seems so set? When it seems so impossible to make a difference? It is very easy to withdraw into a life of illusion, to have a mind that is clouded by amusement and pornography.

Thus the state of American politics and culture is clearer: we live in a illusory culture of distraction that serves as the foundation for a corporately managed imperial democracy. The relationship between that culture and that political system, however, cannot be thought of in the way Gray describes. If I understand Gray correctly (which I may not), he believes that culture often serves as a foundation for politics and economics. That culture is the common way of life that gives rise to political and economic practices. But in Hedges’ analysis the opposite is the case: our culture has been created by our political and economic systems. Put more strongly, Hedges believes that “corporate power... holds the government hostage” and “has appropriated for itself the potent symbols, language, and patriotic traditions of the state” (143). It is rampant, unfettered capitalism that has created our culture of illusion and corrupted our political system. “The fantasy of celebrity culture,” Hedges claims, “is not designed simply to entertain us. It is designed to keep us from fighting back” (39). We are distracted into political irrelevance.

The relationship between American culture and politics is thus clear: our political system has been high jacked by the economic system, which has created a culture of illusion that keeps the population distracted into political impotence. This claim is corroborated by Hannah Arendt in he essay ‘Lying In Politics’. In that essay Arendt argues that during the Vietnam war America entered a unique era of politics. For the first time America began to have a public relations strategy. The government was no longer concerned with conveying accurate information to the public, but was rather involved in the business of crafting an image to present to the public to produce a desirable image in the minds of the public and congress. The government began lying and producing false information that was “destined chiefly, if not exclusively, for domestic consumption, for propaganda at home, and especially for the purpose of deceiving Congress” (14, in Crises Of The Republic). This is a unique moment in American political history because now the “goal was now the image itself, as is manifest in the very language of the problem-solvers, with their ‘scenarios’ and ‘audience,’ borrowed from the theater” (17-18). Even when we could no longer win in Vietnam we continued to promote our image, “the goal was no longer one of avoiding humiliating defeat but of finding ways and means to avoid admitting it and ‘save face’” (18). Thus with Vietnam we encounter a new political phenomenon: “Image-making as global policy” (18).

Governmental deception, however, is not merely a top-down phenomenon. On the contrary, Arendt argues that we should bear in mind “the interconnectedness of deception and self-deception.... The deceivers started with self-deception.... they were so convinced of overwhelming success, not on the battlefield, but in the public-relations arena, and so certain of soundness of their psychological premises about the unlimited possibilities in manipulating people, that they anticipated general belief and victory in the battle for people’s minds” (35). Government analysts equipped themselves with a powerful and abstract set of terms in which they could conceptualize the war and their public relations strategy. In the process, Arendt claims that they lost themselves in their abstractions, that their theories got the best of them, and that the deception of the public went hand in hand with self-deception.

Thus it seems that American culture is comprised of illusion and deception from top to bottom. Our government has been pursuing imperial goals and purposefully lying to the public, somehow lying to themselves as well. Or something. This is all getting confusing. But clearly, America’s culture of distraction is a result of our political and economic system. The more these systems fall apart the more we need to distract ourselves. The less sustainable they are the more the government needs to deceive itself. I’m just making stuff up here. But there is clearly a relationship between America’s culture of distraction and our increasingly undemocratic, corporate system. And it seems to be more top down than bottom up; the political and economic effects the cultural more than the other way around. But what does all of this have to do with art? I began this section with the idea that ascertaining the relationship culture and politics would help me speak about art and politics. And I believe that I now can, but only by returning to the concept that I began IV.2 with: Collingwood’s ‘corruption of consciousness’.

Because what I am describing above is Collingwood’s corruption of consciousness in both the American population and the government. The government is not merely corrupting the consciousnesses of the people, the process of lying corrupted them as well. They fell victim to their own self-deception, and they can no longer distinguish the truth. Remember that Collingwood claims that consciousnesses primary task is to convert impressions into ideas, thus apprehending the truth of a situation. Consciousness, truth, and aesthetics are intimately connected for Collingwood. The aesthetic consciousness is one that apprehends the truth. Collingwood thus defines a corrupt consciousness as one that “permits itself to be bribed or corrupted in the discharge of its function, being distracted from a formidable task towards an easier one” (217). And this is precisely what is happening consciousness in America: we no longer know how to distinguish between truth and falsehood. Our illusions have overtaken us and we no longer know reality.

So we let ourselves be distracted, we let amusement take us away from our political and economic difficulties. Because this is precisely where Collingwood believes that corruption of consciousness originates: it comes from unsatisfactory political and economic conditions that force us into a life of distraction and amusement. To face our reality would mean to recognize that our civilization has created conditions that we describe as ‘drudgery’, that are radically unequal and completely unsatisfactory. In fact, Hedges shares almost all of Collingwood’s concerns about our culture: the role of the economy, the prevalence of amusement (alcohol, celebrity, pornography, etc.), and the death of our civilization itself. This is too difficult of an impression to convert into an idea. It is very painful to recognize that our society has created these conditions for itself. So for now we let our consciousness remain corrupt. To have an aesthetic consciousness in these conditions, to perceive the truth in these times, is an awesome task. So we continue to lose ourselves in amusement.

In section five I’ve tried to ascertain the relationship between American culture and politics. It appears as though our political system is at best a managed democracy, and at worst an inverted totalitarianism. This political system sits on a vapid cultural foundation of amusement and empty representation. We are amused and distracted into political docility. Moreover, all of this can be captured in Collingwood’s notion of the corruption of consciousness. Our problems, too, are at the intersection of politics, economics, culture, and art. Our task is therefore to defeat the corruption of consciousness. Our task is therefore the recovery of the aesthetic consciousness. Our task is to apprehend the truth about our situation. Our task is properly modern, in the Foucauldian sense of that word.

We have lost our aesthetic consciousness in America. Both at the level of the government and the average citizen. We can no longer distinguish between truth and illusion. We are overrun with amusement. This means that the aesthetic consciousness has grave political importance. If the aesthetic consciousness is one that perceives the truth, then what we need is an aestheticization of politics. To conclude this analysis of art, culture, and politics I’d like to explore this notion of the aestheticization of politics.

6. On A Collingwoodian Aestheticization Of Politics: Concluding Part IV.2

If we accept Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic consciousness as one that is able to ascertain truth by converting difficult impressions into ideas then it should be obvious that our culture of political deception and mass amusement badly needs to rediscover aesthetic consciousness. What we really need is an ‘aestheticization of politics.’ This term, however, was coined by Walter Benjamin and has been subsequently used to signify something that is antithetical to what I am trying to talk about. I claim this is because Benjamin is operating under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic. The first step in defending a true aestheticization of politics, therefore, is a refutation of Benjamin’s definition of the aestheticization of politics. Benjamin, however, is still pointing to a real problem about the dangers of rhetoric and representation in politics. I will therefore use some more contemporary thinkers to clarify precisely what Benjamin’s term should denote about our social and political culture. After that I will explain how, under Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic, the aestheticization of politics would be a profoundly positive and important thing. In particular, I’ll argue that a Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics would leave us striving for something remarkably similar to Clausewitz’s idea about cultivating intuitive judgment in political leaders.

The term ‘the aestheticization of politics’ first appeared in Benjamin’s 1936 essay “ The Work Of Art In The Age Of Its Technological Reproducibility.” In that essay Benjamin concludes that Fascism had effectively ‘aestheticized politics’. With this term Benjamin is trying to communicate a complex idea about the relationship between the masses, technology, art, patterns of action and perception (habits), war, and most importantly, political deception. He arrives at this conclusion through an analysis of the relationship between art and its technological reproducibility.

He claims that with the rise of film and photography art transformed from something about ritual and tradition to something that was more about exhibition and mass exposure. While art used to be about ritual, it is now about mass display and consumption. This shift in the displayability of art has led to a fundamental shift in the purpose of art. Art, he claims, is no longer about ritual and tradition; a technologically reproduced work of art can never possess the aura, the air of authenticity that it once possessed. Art can never be spatially and temporally located like it used to be. The death of art’s aura means a fundamental shift in its purpose: “But as soon as the criterion of authenticity ceases to be applied to artistic production,” he argues, “the whole social function of art is revolutionized. Instead of being founded on ritual, it is based on a different practices: politics” (25, author’s italics). If art can no longer be identified with tradition, it can only be identified with politics. Benjamin believes that film above all else represents this new role of art. Because in film we see for the first time a technologically created, mass consumed, politically relevant work of art. “The function of film,” he argues, “is to train human beings in the apperceptions and reactions needed to deal with a vast apparatus whose role in their lives is expanding daily” (26, author’s italics). In other words, technologically reproduced art, exemplified by film, is intended to provide people with scripts or narratives that are meant to regulate the way people engage with reality. In essence, the technological reproducibility of art directly translates into the reproducibility of individual forms of perception. We can reproduce art, we can display it on mass, and thereby recreate the conceptual equipment of people’s minds.

Film’s capacity to mass produce forms of consciousness, Benjamin believes, has been co-opted by fascism for the pursuit of political ends. He argues that the growth of technology has led to the proletarianization of society. That people are being more and more absorbed into the working classes of industrial capitalism. As a result, “Fascism attempts to organize the new proletarianized masses while leaving intact the property relations which they strive to abolish” (41). He believes that the people naturally want a revolution, that they want to redistribute property in the way that Marx described. Fascism, however, seeks to prevent this by cultivating the masses through ‘aesthetic’ means: they use film, propaganda, and representation to craft the minds of the masses, providing them with certain cognitive-sensory faculties that perpetuate the current distribution of wealth. And these efforts to “aestheticize politics culminate in one point. That one point is war. War, and only war, makes it possible to set a goal for mass movements on the grandest scale while preserving traditional property relations” (41, author’s italics). In other words, the only way fascism could perpetuate the status quo was to take advantage of the reproducibility of art that allowed them to effectively reproduce forms of consciousness in the masses. This is why the technological reproducibility of art has implications “far beyond the realm of art” (22). In particular, film, the greatest example of reproducible art, is used “for counterrevolutionary purposes.” In fact, Benjamin asserts that “the cult of the audience” that film creates “reinforces the corruption by which fascism is seeking to supplant the class consciousness of the masses” (33). Benjamin’s aestheticization of politics, therefore, is fascism’s attempt to use film and other technologically reproducible art in order to craft the consciousness of the masses in order to perpetuate unequal distribution of wealth. And the only logical outcome of this can be war, because war is the only social activity that can “mobilize all of today’s technological resources while maintaining property relations” (41). Thus, we can see how the concept of the aestheticization of politics captures diverse issues such as art, culture, politics, habits of perception, and war. An invaluable concept indeed.

David Harvey also makes use of Benjamin’s concept of the aestheticization of politics. Harvey, however, applies the concept to his analysis of the American political system under the Raegan administration. In The Condition of Postmodernity Harvey argues that the Reagan administration also engaged in practices that can be described as an aestheticization of politics. He explains how under the Reagan administration there were massive cuts in public programs, large amounts of people became homeless, lost their health insurance, and so on. Despite all of these negative trends, the Reagan administration continued to wield a rhetoric that championed ‘traditional’ American values. “A rhetoric that justifies homelessness, unemployment, increasing impoverishment, disempowerment, and the like by appeal to supposedly traditional values of self-reliance and entrepreneurialism,” Harvey claims, “will just as freely laud the shift from ethics to aesthetics as its dominant value system” (337). In this instance, too, we can see what this notion of the aestheticization of politics denotes: It describes a government that is purposefully crafting images in order to regulate the minds of the masses. For Benjamin it was fascism’s use of film and technology to negate the revolutionary potential of the proletariat. For Harvey it is the Reagan administration’s attempt to mask negative social statistics by appeal to a shallow rhetoric of traditional American values.

Benjamin’s ‘aestheticization of politics,’ then, is fundamentally about how representation became a fundamental part of government’s apparatus of control. It is about government’s purposefully using certain types of language and imagery to produce desirable results in the minds of their people. Now is the moment, however, where we must ask whether or not this is an appropriate way of speaking of this problem. Is it appropriate to call this an ‘aestheticization’ of politics? Or are there better ways of speaking about this problem, which is undoubtedly a real thing. Something happened with government in the twentieth century. Government’s certainly have started lying more, have begun to craft their images more deliberately. Recall that Arendt said that “Image-making as global policy... is indeed something new in the huge arsenal of human follies recorded in history” (18). I claim that while this is a real problem, it is inadequate to refer to it as an aestheticization of politics. The inadequacy of this phrase becomes clear if grasp Collingwood’s definition of the aesthetic.

The most important distinction in Collingwood’s account of aesthetics, and the one that throws the most light on the issue of referring to the ‘aestheticization’ of politics, is the distinction between art and craft. Collingwood defines craft as “the power to produce a preconceived result by means of consciously controlled and directed action” (Principles, 15). This means a few things. That craft always implies a distinction between means and ends, between a raw material and finished product, and that there is a phase of planning and one of execution. It is often assumed that art is merely a sort of craft. Collingwood refers to this idea as the ‘technical theory of art’. Collingwood, however, is adamant that “it is necessary to disentangle the notion of craft from that of art proper” (15). He says that the ancient Greeks often spoke of art is if though it were a sort of craft. The ancient Greeks discussed poetry as if it were merely a craft. But Collingwood quickly dispels with this idea. If you think about poetry, you have to wonder, how did so and so write this poem? What process did they go through in order to produce it? Was there a phase of planning? What was the raw material and what is the finished product? Collingwood asks, “Suppose the poem is a short one, and composed without the use of any writing materials; what are the means by which the poet composes it?... If one looks at the matter seriously, one sees that the only factors in the situation are the poet, the poetic labour of his mind, and the poem” (20). In this way it is obvious that the creation of a poem is not a matter of mere craft. And nor is it a craft when it comes to the audiences reception of the poem. Collingwood claims that an artist never aims to have a certain effect on his audience, that this is not the artist’s proper business. “Suppose a poet had read his verses to his audience, hoping that they would produce a certain result;” he asks, “and suppose the result were different; would that in itself prove the poem a bad one?... some would say yes, others no. But if poetry were obviously a craft, the answer would be a prompt an unhesitating yes” (21). Collingwood knows, as we all do, that art must involve some element of craft: the artist must have some type of technique if he is to produce the piece of art. But what makes something art must be different from what makes it a craft. They cannot be the same thing. He asserts that “what make Ben Johnson a poet, and a great one, is not his skill to construct such patterns but his imaginative vision of the goddess and her attendants, for whose expression it was worth his while to use that skill, and for whose enjoyment it is worth our while to study the patterns he has constructed” (27). This is why Collingwood defines art as the imaginative expression of emotions, and ultimately, as the creation of imaginary objects. The artists business he says “is not to produce an emotional effect in an audience, but, for example, to make a tune. This tune is already complete and perfect when it exists merely as a tune in his head, that is, an imaginary tune” (139, my italics). Thus, art is the imaginative expression of emotions, and the creation of imaginary objects. The artifact, the physical work of art, is merely a byproduct of the artist’s total imaginative experience. I already gave this definition a 70-something page treatment in Part I. So I don’t feel inclined to flesh this out in detail. But if you really care refer to Part I.1, I.2, and I.3.

One important implication of this distinction between art and craft is that are cannot be a form of representation. Because representation is always about creating a certain image in the mind of the audience, representation is a species of craft. And the artists who aims at representation knows what he wants to do. The representative artist “know how he wants to make his audience feel, and he constructs his artifact in such a way that it will make them feel like that” (53). The artist proper, however, never aims at producing a certain image in the audience’s minds: “the artist draws what he sees, expresses what he feels, makes a clean breast of his experience, concealing nothing and altering nothing. What these people are discussing, when they talk about selection, is not the theory of art proper but the theory of representative art of the second degree, which they mistake for art proper” (56). Aesthetic theory, therefore, does not deal with art as a form of representation. It deals with art as the imaginative expression of emotions.

Now, recall that the so-called ‘aestheticization of politics’ describes a process by which government’s purposefully produces certain types of representation to effect the mentalities of their population. If you grasp what I’ve written above then it should instantly be clear that Benjamin and Harvey are operating under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic. Benjamin does say that for the ancient Greeks aesthetics was the theory of perception. And that seems to be the way that he is using the term. He is talking about how government’s are using representation to control the way people are perceiving things. Collingwood’s definition of aesthetics as a process, however, is more convincing than that. I agree with him that aesthetic theory should deal with how individuals engage in individual expression, how they use their imaginations to discover and express their emotions. Aesthetic theory cannot deal with matters of representation and influencing perception. That belongs to a theory of craft, representation, and perception. It should be clear that if we take Collingwood’s definition of aesthetics seriously, which I do, then the term ‘aestheticization of politics’ simply will not do.

This does not mean, however, that Benjamin and Harvey are not pointing at serious problems with this term. Indeed, there is something very troubling going on with the relationship between politics and representation. Recall Arendt’s analysis of lying in politics: Clearly government’s have begun to use representation, lying, and image-crafting as major parts of their political strategies. Arendt, too, however, makes the mistake of referring to this process as ‘an art’, saying on multiple occasions “the art of making people believe” or “the art of lying” (8,9). It appears to be one of the major ways that government’s have overcome the problem of needing domestic support for their international political goals. Vietnam is a prime example of how a governments lie to their own people to prevent them from interfering with international military endeavors. So, if the term aestheticization of politics will not do, how are we to conceptualize this relationship between government’s and image-crafting?

One person that offers a useful concept is the British Psychologist Guy Claxton. In Hare Brain, Tortoise Mind Claxton argues that western culture is overly committed to highly articulate forms of thought. “We have been inadvertently trapped,” Claxton argues, “in a single mode of mind that is characterised by information-gathering, intellect and impatience, on that requires you to be explicit, articulate, purposeful and to show your reasoning,” and that we “are thus committed (and restricted) to those ways of knowing that can function in such a high-speed mental climate: predominantly those that use language... as a medium and deliberation as a method” (6). We are addicted to language and its ability to represent reality. Claxton traces the development of this mode of thought back to Renaissance philosophers who asserted that rational thinking was the only true mode of thinking. This trend of logocentrism continued through the Enlightenment and up to the present day.

John Gray also believes that western culture has suffered from its logocentrism. In Enlightenment’s Wake he claims that our desire for clear and rational thinking has destroyed our traditional cultures and left us in a state of moral and political nihilism. Gray believes that we may have gone too far down this path to be saved. That “the calculative and representational mode of thinking which philosophy has privileged in modern times is now so hegemonic that the cultural space is lacking in which an alternative mode of thinking might occur” (Gray, 275, my italics). Our logocentrism, for Gray, has serious political implications. He believes that we have put so much faith in language that we adopted a legal model of government and have lost touch with what the political enterprise truly is: an attempt to prevent war, to mitigate conflict between communities. Claxton also believes that our addiction to rational thinking has political consequences. Western logocentrism, he claims, “leads to a kind of flimsy political culture in which no one ever has the time or the inclination not to know, and so buying and selling jumped-to conclusions becomes a substitute for thinking. No wonder so many people disengage from a discourse that has such a transparent lack of depth” (Wayward Mind, 358). Clearly, our political culture has been saturated with representation and logocentrism.

Image-making has become central to modern politics. This is the problem, I claim, that Benjamin and Harvey are pointing at when they discuss ‘the aestheticization of politics’. But the problem is not aesthetics. The problem is lying. The problem is deception. The problem is representation and rhetoric. The problem is that government’s are crafting their image to sway the masses. The real problem, in short, is that politicians have become less like artists, and more like craftsmen. Claxton and Gray agree with me on this point. Claxton claims that “our culture has come to ignore and undervalue [slow ways of knowing], to treat them as marginal or merely recreational, and in so doing has foreclosed on areas of our psychological resources that we need” (Hare Brain, 4). Even though Claxton does not make this point expressly political, its political implications are clear given the statements he makes at the end of The Wayward Mind. Politicians, too, are estranged from slower, less articulate modes of thought, and they too seek quick answers that will benefit their public image. Similarly, Gray ends Enlightenment’s Wake by claiming that if Western politics are to succeed we need a cultural recovery. We need to discover a mode of thinking that is capable of making difficult political decisions and that doesn’t succumb to the moral and political nihilism inherent in Western logocentrism. He claims that “another mode of thinking – found in poetry and mysticism, for example – can assert itself against the domination of the forms of thought privileged by both science and philosophy in Western cultures. It is with these humiliated modes of thought that the prospect of cultural recovery – if there is such a prospect – lies. Only if the ground of Western cultures can renew itself through such modes of thought can any practical measure have lasting effect” (275, my italics).

The issue of logocentrism is also raised directly by Collingwood in The Principles. He claims that the “cosmopolitan civilization of modern Europe and America, with its tendency towards rigidly uniform dress, has limited our expressive activities almost entirely to the voice, and naturally tries to justify itself by asserting that the voice is the best medium for expression” (244-45). Moreover, Collingwood also believes that there are modes of expression beyond voice that are valuable. If “a civilization loses all power of expression except through voice, and then asserts that the voice is the best expressive medium,” he argues, “it is simply saying that it knows of nothing in itself that is worth expressing except what can be thus expressed; and that is tautology, for it merely means ‘what we (members of this particular society) do not know we do not know’, except so far as it suggest the addition: ‘and we do not wish to find out’” (246). Clearly, the issue of logocentrism is one that is at the core of Western culture and politics.

I love Gray’s phrase ‘humiliated modes of thought’. Because that is what they are. We think of art and poetry as silly, frivolous modes of thinking. But they are essential. There must be some way to reinvigorate our culture, and therefore our politics, with an aesthetic core. There must be a proper aestheticization of politics, in the Collingwoodian sense of that term.

If this is the case, then what would a proper, Collingwoodian aestheticization of politics be? What would it mean for a politician to be an artist? The key thing to remember is that for Collingwood aesthetic expression is inseparable from a genuine search for truth. The artist is someone who uses consciousness to convert a difficult impression (emotion) into an expressible idea, thereby arriving at an important truth. For Collingwood, a statements “artistic merit and its truth are the same thing” (287). The truth that is discovered, however, is not a generic or worldly truth, it is a “knowledge of the individual,” a knowledge of our own minds (289). So does it matter that politicians know themselves and their own minds? How would a politician pursue personal truth in aesthetic way that would translate into political truth and action? How could one become a political aesthetician? In order to answer these questions I will turn to three thinkers: Carl von Clausewitz, Alfred Mahan, and Michel Foucault. In these thinkers I see a way to conceptualize political choice as an aesthetic process. I am going to delay this inquiry, however, until Part IV.4, ‘The Aesthetic Existence and Politics Proper’. In that section I will delve most fully into the relationship between art proper, the aesthetic life, and politics.

The last thing I would like to before moving on is to quickly establish the relationship between these three sections: between the corruption of consciousness, corporate democracy, and Benjamin’s aestheticization of politics. All three of these concepts exist at the intersection between art, culture, politics, and economics. But in terms of tracing causation, what causes what, I’m not so sure. It seems to me that the fusion of economics and politics, as happened in the present, and potentially with fascism, we see the corruption of consciousness and the aestheticization of politics emerging. It seems that the corruption of consciousness emerges as a result to unsatisfactory political and economic situations. I already established with Hedges’ that it was possible for economics to create the cultural base it works in. It is not just that culture serves as a base for politics and economics, they can also affect culture. And I agree with Collingwood that the corruption of consciousness as a cultural force, the spread of distraction and amusement, has a lot to do with our political and economic systems. So this is why these three sections belong together. Collingwood shows us that we are living in a culture of corrupt consciousness, and that this is a result of our economic system. Wolin and Hedges corroborate these claims, and show that the same phenomenon exists in present day America. We, too, are existing in a political-economic system that encourages us to withdraw into distraction and amusement, our system corrupts our consciousnesses. And this is achieved, in part, by a deliberate attempt of government’s to lie. Government’s want to keep the masses distracted, want to diffuse our revolutionary potential or class consciousness, and amusement is a great way to do it. Corporate democratic government’s thrive on corrupt consciousnesses. This, however, is not to be called an ‘aestheticization of politics’, but perhaps something like ‘representative politics’, or ‘image-crafting politics’. Soon I’ll explain what aesthetic politics would really be. I began touching on it with Gray and Claxton, on the importance of escaping from logocentrism to recover ‘humiliated modes of thought’ that might lead to a cultural and political recovery. But for now I’m content to have shown how politics, economics, and lying in government combine to create a culture of distraction that breeds corrupt consciousnesses. I am happy to have roughly traced some of the connections between art, culture, and politics.

From here I need to undertake an analysis of the political implications of the aesthetic existence, which I outlined in Part III. I need to figure out how the aesthetic existence, which is a process that takes place in an individual mind, relates to these larger issues of politics and culture. In Part IV.3 I’ll be looking at the idea of ‘individual politics’. The idea that our thoughts, our actions, our personal lives are thoroughly political. This will involve a lot of looking at Foucault and his political work. I intend to refute this idea that the personal is political. Not in the sense that personal issues are not political issues, because they often are. But I plan on refuting the idea that thinking differently is, in itself, a political act. In large, I will be refuting my own work from the Society’s Implicit War essays.

Monday, September 12, 2011

Mr. Wolin

This morning I finished Sheldon Wolin's book Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy And The Specter Of Inverted Totalitarianism. A very interesting book. The core claim is that since World War II American democracy has transformed into a system in which the people are not directly in control, but are rather shepherded or managed by a class of elites that draw on a network of corporate, media, and religious ideas to keep the population fragmented and depoliticized. That the American state achieves many of the same goals that totalitarian states aimed for, but accomplishes them through different means.

Totalitarian states sought the depoliticization of the population through the creation of national myth, the control of information and resources, all with the intention of pursuing imperial goals. The United States, too, seeks the depoliticization of the people with the intent of pursuing imperial goals. The control of the population, however, is not achieved through a centralized state apparatus. On the contrary, it is achieved through a diverse network of loosely connected institutions: "Instead of purusing unanimity, [inverted totalitarianism] promotes predomination–that is, rule by diverse powers which have found it in their interests to combine while retaining their separate identities. The key components are corporate capital, the very rich, small business associations, large media organization, evangelical Protestant leaders, and the Catholic hierarchy" (185). A fascinating claim that is loaded with implications.

In particular, I find Wolin's work to have implications for my understand of Foucault, Arendt, Collingwood, Benjamin, Harvey, and probably others. I think that the diverse array of subtly coercive institutions that Wolin describes is similar to Foucault's notion of an apparatus. In Discipline & Punish Foucault explains how France achieved control over its population through a diverse set of institutions that functioned primarily through the control of knowledge and normalizing practices. This seems to be exactly what Wolin is describing in America as managed democracy through inverted totalitarianism.

And with Arendt I see a connection between it and her essay on 'Lying In Politics'. Both of them pursue the issue of how and why politicians deliberately lie, crafting a public image to fool the population. Arendt and Wolin both believe that the one purpose of lying in politics is to keep the population depoliticized, thus minimizing their role in international wars. If the population is kept docile through lies, then they won't interfere with imperial ambitions.

The issue of lying and truth in politics then connects easily to the issue of aesthetics, craft, and politics. Collingwood is quite clear that the aesthetic process is about expressing a certain truth by using consciousness to show down a difficult emotion or thought. Which prompts questions for me about the relationship between aesthetics and politics. People like Benjamin and Harvey, however, use the term 'the aestheticization of politics' in a pejorative way. With that phrase they signify a political shift towards lying, deliberate deception, and the crafting of a public persona. It is similar to how Arendt describes lying in Vietnam. But, for Collingwood, that process of lying to create a public image would not deserve the title 'aesthetic'. It would fall under the definition of 'craft': it is a process of converting a raw material into a finished product with a preconceived plan in mind. If aesthetic expression and truth are inseparably linked, as Collingwood insists they are, then a true 'aestheticization of politics' would be one in which political leaders were consciously expressing the truth about their judgements, about the situation they are dealing with.

I have had this conviction for the last six months, ever since reading Collingwood, Harvey, and Benjamin: a true aestheticization of politics would be a good thing. And defining the issue of lying in politics as an aestheticization of politics is operating under an erroneous definition of the aesthetic process.

So anyways, I have a lot of implications to draw from Wolin's work. And fortunately I'm working on AZI again and he fits right in.

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Relationships And Mediums: Habits, Historical Knowledge, and Self-Creation

This is the second section of my current essay project 'Relationships and Mediums'. In the first section I tried to explain how there was a qualitative divide in my relationships. With certain interactions I and other people are warm, open, and most importantly empathic. And in other instances people are distant, cold, and seem to be operating with nothing other than labels or ideas about who I am. In other words, sometimes my relationships are governed by genuine engagement with another mind, and sometimes they are mitigated by nothing but economically defined roles.


In order to understand this divide I am turning to the issue of mediums. Because above all else this is an issue of how minds are interacting with one another. And for me mind is nothing but what mind does. And the only way a mind can do something is through a certain medium. Therefore I can only make sense of this issue of relationships if I make sense of the mediums through which minds are working.


The goal of this whole thing is to create a historically augmented and pedagogically useful theory of mind. I think that theory of mind suffers from its ahistorical perspective. And I hope to use historical data to supplement these ahistorical accounts so as to arrive at a better picture of what minds are like in this precise moment in history. This is a line of thought I initiated in my essay 'The Genealogy Of The Modern Mind'. And this is my attempt to pick up that line of thought, albeit in a loose way.


So in any case, this is the section in which I try to understand that divide in my relationships by analyzing the major mediums through which the mind works. I chose three mediums to focus on: architecture and urban design, language itself, and economic systems. I think that these three things constitute our major mediums for choice and action. So by analyzing them I am hoping to analyze the relationships that take place within them.


This writing was hard for me, and so is a little sloppy and confused and all over the place. But that is what I was trying to do.


II. Of Mediums: Inclinations And Habits In Relationships

As I said above, I now want to focus on the question of mediums so as to move closer to creating a historically informed theory of mind. I am convinced that if we want to understand minds we need to think of them as concrete historical realities, and not as some abstract unchanging entity. This means that we need to think of minds as things that do things. We need to take seriously the idea that ‘mind is only what mind does’. So what do minds do? And how do they do it? Well the answer to the first question is less important. But I’ll say that minds have relationships with other minds, with themselves, and with things around them. Minds relate. How do they do it is the more important question. They always do it through certain mediums. And here I am defining a medium in the most general sense as a means to doing something. By this definition everything is a medium, from our five senses to the technology we use to augment them, from our economic system to the design of our cities. All of these things are mediums that our minds work through. Further, we are not dealing merely with single mediums, but with mediums that are stacked upon one another. The senses being at the foundation, and the economic system and other ones being stacked on top. And I think that a closer look at this issue of mediums will make it clear how to construct a historically informed theory of mind.


So what is it about mediums that we need to understand in order to understand our minds? For this question I would like to briefly discuss Nicholas Carr’s work in The Shallows: What The Internet Is Doing To Our Brains. In that book Mr. Carr is trying to answer some questions about how the internet is effecting our behavior, our thoughts, and our brains. He has two foundational perspectives, the first is Marshal McLuhan’s work on media, the second being the recent advances in the field of neuroplasticity.


McLuhan is famous for coining the phrase ‘the medium is the message’, by which he meant that the form in which something is presented matters more than the content itself. This means that when studying media and communication we need to pay more attention to the way in which something is communicated and less to the actual content of what is communicated. This is the good old question of content versus form. Take poetry and aesthetic expression for example. Is it possible to communicate the same content in a different form? Or are content and form inseparably linked? I believe the latter to be the case. It isn’t enough, or even possible, to explain to somebody what a poem or a song communicates. This is because the content and the form are so intimately linked. I hear stories of musicians or poets what their work means. And in that case the best response is something like ‘if I could explain it to you I wouldn’t have to express it through music/poetry’. Hayden White also believes content and form to be intimately linked. I would really like to take a look at his book The Content Of The Form, but I haven’t been able to get to it yet. But in any case, the point is this: content and form, medium and message, are inseparably linked. And while we often focus strictly on content, people like McLuhan and White believe we would benefit from some focus on the medium or the form.


Carr uses McLuhan’s work on mediums as a starting point to discuss the way that the internet as a medium poses unique problems. If the medium is the message, then what is the message of the internet as a medium? Carr, however, takes this notion a step further by introducing the notion of an ‘intellectual ethic’. He claims that every medium contains an implicit ‘intellectual ethic’: “Every intellectual technology, to put it another way, embodies an intellectual ethic, a set of assumptions about how the human mind works or should work: (45). The users and even creators of a medium might not even be aware of the intellectual ethic of a medium: “The intellectual ethic of a technology is rarely recognized by its inventors. They are usually so intent on solving a particular problem or untangling some thorny scientific problem that they don’t see the broader implication of their work. The users of the technology are also usually oblivious to its ethic” (45). This is an important observation. We should pay particular attention to the way Carr describes an intellectual ethic as a set of assumptions about how the mind should work. This means that mediums are not simply a passive means that are completely under our control, but that they, on the contrary, directly shape what it is that we do and what it is that we are. Or, as Carr puts it, the medium appears “so much our servant that it would seem churlish to notice that it is also our master” (4). The medium as the message, therefore, means that we are actively transformed by the mediums that we use to navigate the world. Our minds change as a result of exposure to different mediums. This is where Carr’s concern with neuroplasticity comes into play.


Carr turns to the new science of neuroplasticity to show that mediums have an effect on human behavior. While for much of the twentieth century it was accepted that the brain was relatively static, recent findings show that the brain is far more plastic than people had suspected. Carr first draws on neuroscienctific evidence to make the general claim about the plasticity of the brain. He then turns to the more specific issue of how specific mediums effect the brain. He takes the book and the internet as his major concerns. He explains how the brains of literate individuals differ from the brains of illiterate individuals, and what parts of the brain are involved in reading books. He claims that the book as a medium encourages patient, concentrated, linear thought. To go from one page to another for a long time involves following and focusing on that narrative. As a result, the brain engaging with a book becomes better at focusing, on following linear trains of thought, and so on. The brain using the internet, on the other hand, is inclined to be distracted. He explains how with the internet we are always open to new pages, new hyperlinks, new tabs, and how, as a result, the part of our brain involved in judgement and decision making is engaged. While reading a book our decisions are relatively limited. We can put the book down and do something else, or we can keep reading. But with the internet we have the possibility of opening a new tab at any moment. And the activation of the part of the brain responsible for judgement is all it takes for us to be far more distractible on the internet. In any case, Carr is able to show that the internet and books both contain a unique intellectual ethic, and that they both effect the brain in different ways.


Carr makes a convincing case by extrapolating on McLuhan’s claim that the medium is the message. He shows that mediums are never just passive tools, but have a very active part in shaping our behavior, and in particular, our habits. The issue of habit has been increasingly important to me over the last number of months. And I think that Carr in many ways is getting at the issue of habits without making it explicit. When we talk about the medium being the message, or about the inclinations of a medium, what we are really talking about is the way that certain mediums instill certain unconscious habits in us. Using the internet, for example, I habitually jump from tab to tab, opening up different things and doing nothing useful. The medium encourages me to have certain habits. And this changes my brain. Habits show up in my brain probably.


Carr’s work leaves us with several lessons with regards to the importance of mediums. First, a medium is never a passive tool, but always possess a certain inclination, they always implicitly encourage us to behave in certain ways. Second, these mediums effect our brains in very real ways, produce noticeable effects in our behaviour and in our brains. Third, that we are best to think about mediums in terms of the habits they instill in us. Now that I have established these things about mediums in general, I would like to extrapolate it and reconnect it all to my discussion of minds and relationships.


So the first questions that I want to ask in order to reconnect the idea with mediums is this: What precisely is and is not a ‘medium’? If a medium is defined as ‘an agency or means of doing something’, then aren’t most things mediums? Does this mean that things like buildings, things like urban planning, things like economic systems, and even language itself, are mediums? If this is the case, and these things are ‘mediums’, then do all of these things contain something like the intellectual ethic and inclinations that Carr describes? If so, then what are the inclinations of these mediums? And how do we need to take them into account?


Well, I will just say right away that I think the answer to many of those questions is a yes: we do need to think of urban design, languages, and economic systems as ‘mediums’. And this means that we need to consider these mediums in the way that Carr describes: not as passive tools, but as things that instill certain habits in us and actively incline us towards certain types of thinking and behavior. We need to recognize, as McLuhan said, that mediums “alter ‘patterns of perception steadily and without any resistance’” (Carr, 3). Our lives, our experiences, our minds, and our relationships are being shaped on an unconscious level by mediums that are so fundamental to our existence that we don’t even recognize them as mediums. This is where I’m getting into a little bit of trouble. I have not read enough about urban design, economic systems, or language in order to understand this stuff. But I’ll try.


So is it possible to consider architecture and urban design to be a medium? And if so, what are the inclinations of this medium that we need to be aware of? Well I think that the answer to the first question is a definite yes. Human beings always interact with buildings, and buildings are always a way that we get certain things done. Buildings are almost always a means to something, and they are therefore a medium of sorts. But does this means that buildings induce certain habits in us? That, as a medium, they incline us to act in certain ways? Indeed, Walter Benjamin made this precise claim about buildings and architecture. He claims that many of our artistic mediums are historically contingent, they come and go. But that architecture has remained a consistent medium for human beings, because “the human need for shelter is permanent.” Benjamin therefore claims that architecture's “effect ought to be recognized in any attempt to account for the relationship of the masses to the work of art” (40). Understanding how the masses relate to architecture, however, is not a simple task. Benjamin believes that architecture is received in at least two ways: “by use and by perception. Or, better: tactilely and optically.” Further, that our tactile reception of architecture comes about through habit and largely determines our optical perception: “Tactile reception comes about not so much by way of attention as by way of habit. The latter largely determines even the optical reception of architecture, which spontaneously takes the form of casual noticing, rather than attentive observation” (40). I have a hard time understanding Benjamin. But clearly he regards architecture as a medium that is both artistic, and one that most people engage with. Further, he seems to think that the way people interact with architecture subtlety introduces habits into their lives. This would imply that architecture is indeed a medium as defined by Carr: a means to doing something that contains an implicit message, a secret suggestion, an inclination.


David Harvey further corroborates this idea that architecture and urban planning constitute an important medium for human choice. In The Condition Of Postmodernity he has a chapter called ‘Postmodernism in the city’. In it he discusses the change from modernity to postmodernity in terms of architecture, city planning, and urban design. He says that the switch from modernity to postmodernity in these field is characterized by the rejection of attempts to rationally organize space so as to regulate social and economic conditions. “Whereas the modernists see space as something to be shaped for social purposes and therefore always subservient to the construct of a social project, the postmodernists see space as something independent and autonomous, to be shaped according to aesthetic aims and principles which have nothing necessarily to do with any overarching social objective, save, perhaps, the achievement of timeless and ‘disinterested’ beauty as an objective in itself” (66). Clearly there is something important at stake in urban design and the management of space. “How a city looks and how its spaces are organized,” Harvey claims, “forms a material base upon which a range of possible sensations and social practices can be thought about, evaluated, and achieved” (66-67, my italics). I have emphasized the words ‘material base’ because I am trying to draw attention to the way in which the material world has the ability to govern our unconscious thoughts and habits, and is therefore a medium in the way Carr describes. And it seems that governments are aware that cities work on this level of unconscious patterns of behavior. This is why governments strive for “the rationalization of spatial patterns and of circulation systems so as to promote equality (at least of opportunity), social welfare, and economic growth” (69).


So, it is clear that cities constitute an important medium for choice. They are designed in ways that are supposed to maximize equality. They are purposefully created so as to allow people access to certain things and not to other things. But is it fair to say that they instill habits in people? And that they meet the definition of a medium in that sense? The answer seems to be yes. And I think that Harvey’s use of Pierre Bourdieu’s work is telling. He draws on Bourdieu’s notion of ‘habitus’, which refers to the totality of learned habits and dispositions that individuals acquire in a given society. In the realm of habitus “we each of us possess powers of regulated improvisation, shaped by experience, which allow us ‘an endless capacity to engender products – thoughts, perception, expressions, actions – whose limits are set by the historically situated conditions’ of their production” (345, my italics). I emphasize the idea of experience and the idea of history for a few reason. By emphasizing experience I want to communicate that habits are not essential, they are learned from the mediums that we have around us, and for Harvey, the design of cities is an important medium for our choices. And I emphasize the issue of history because I want to hint at the final section of this essay. If these are historically contingent habits, then history will be an important place to look when we are thinking about change. But all that I really need you to take away from these last few paragraphs is that buildings and cities are mediums in the sense that they are a means by which we accomplish, and more importantly, that they implicitly incline us to behave in certain ways. So I think it is fair to say that architecture and cities meet Carr’s definition of a medium. But what about language?


So is it possible to consider language itself a medium? Language is so intimately linked to our experiences that we might not always think about it. But to me it seems like language is clearly one of our fundamental mediums. Every choice and most actions we make are mitigated by it. We often have to say something in order to actualize a choice, and you have to use linguistic categories to even conceptualize a choice. Language is perhaps the most fundamental institution. So, it seems pretty obvious to me that language must be considered a medium. The next question, then, is What is the inclination of language as a medium? What is the message of language as a medium?


Well, I think that language inclines us towards valuation and judgement. I don’t think it is possible to talk about something without implicitly evaluating that thing. Is it possible to label something without embedding some kind of value judgement in that label. Can you think of a value-free word? I wonder if I can. I’m not sure. But for the most part I would say that language inclines us towards judging something one way or another.


To really make this analysis more complete I would have to say what the most common words are in our daily language, and what kind of value judgement is implicit in that language. But I don’t feel like taking those pains right now. So I’ll just say that at some point I’ll have to look more closely at this question of language and how it inclines us towards judgement. That would really be helpful in creating a historical theory of mind. But right now I just want to finish up this section on mediums so I can move on to the issues of history and other stuff. But suffice it to say that I think language is a crucial medium for choice, and that it the language we use inclines us towards judging things in certain ways. Just a quick example: can you think of any word that can be used to describe a woman who has a lot of sex that has a positive connotation? It is tough to think of one. Slut, whore, promiscuous, etc., are the words that we usually have to describe a woman like that. But all of those words don’t simply describe the phenomenon, they also implicitly judge it. I think the same is probably true of much language: it is embedded with valuation. And a last point, I will just say that language also inclines us towards generalization, towards the violence of language that Zizek describes.


Now I’d like to ask if economic systems can also be considered mediums. This question as to whether economic system in itself constitutes a medium is a question I have less to say about. Mainly because it seems pretty obvious to me that if something like a city or language can be considered a medium, then the economic system is also a medium. In fact, it seems as though the economic system might be the most crucial of all mediums. In the past six months or more I have become more and more concerned with economic analysis. This is largely thanks to Collingwood, David Harvey, Zizek, and of course, Marx. Harvey pushed me to think seriously about Marxism, and so I picked up my copy of The German Ideology and found it engaging. Zizek then pushed me further to think about Marxism. I am still very confused by Zizek. But the one thing I’d like to note is Zizek’s claims that if we are to address social issues then we must address the economic system above all else. He says that “one can reduce all political, juridical, cultural content to the ‘economic base’, ‘deciphering’ it as its ‘expression’ – all except class struggle, which is the political in the economic itself” (IDOLC, 293). I don’t understand the end of that sentence, with the idea of excepting class struggle. But it is clear that the economic system, for Zizek, is the fundamental medium in which all other mediums are embedded.


It seems as though Zizek thinks that economics is the fundamental medium. Indeed, this is the fundamental tenant of Marx and of historical materialism: we are in the main determined and constituted by the material conditions in which we live. What people are, Marx argues, “coincides with their production, both with what they produce and with how they produce. The nature of individuals thus depends on the material conditions determining their production” (German Ideology, 7). The economic system is how we gain access to our basic material needs; it provides us with food, shelter, relationships, etc.. Everything is mediated through this basic care of the physical body. Furthermore, the economic system in many ways creates who we are, “that circumstances make men just as much as men make circumstances” (Ibid., 29). This means that the economic system, too, fits Carr’s definition of a medium in that it actively creates habits of behavior in us. The economic system as a medium inclines us to do certain things, it makes us into something.


So what is the inclination of our economic system as a medium? Well that is a super difficult question, and I don’t really know how to answer it. I am inclined to resort to some kind of platitude about greed and capitalism and blah blah blah. But it would make sense that the economic system inclines us to greed, towards consumption, towards conceptual interactions with other people.


And this is one thing I’d like to say that will connect all of these issues of mediums to my original questions in the first section. I was asking why some of my relationships seemed to exist based on very little other than labels. And in particular, I experience this at my job. When I have an economically defined roll, as a ‘barista’, people don’t need to worry about any of the other things that I might be. When we first meet people we ask them ‘what do you do?’, by which we typically mean, ‘what is your profession/job? how do you make your money?’. It seems to me that the economic system is in many ways does seem like the master medium that governs our behavior and our relationships.


I still don’t know how to say precisely what the inclination of capitalism is. But it seems like when the violence of language meets the violence of the economic system, then some bad things happen. We have a social system in which we can label people certain things and leave them to the violence of the economic system. Those two processes would corroborate one another. The economic system has people born into poverty, and then the language of the economic system makes it so that they are blamed for their plight. ‘They deserve to be poor because they didn’t work hard enough, didn’t take advantage of their opportunities’. It seems to me that the interaction between the three mediums I’m describing is very real. Cities and urban design play into the needs of the economic system, the language helps create the economic system and then perpetuates the economic system. It seems that the mediums contain these types of inclinations.


I’m running out of ways to talk about this stuff right now. But it should be clear, hopefully, that based on Carr’s definition of mediums as containing inclinations, cities, language, and economic systems can all be considered mediums. All of these things are a means to doing something, and they all encourage us to do those things in certain ways. Cities incline us to go certain places, to do certain types of jobs, to engage in certain types of behavior. Language encourages us to generalize and value things in certain ways. And economic systems incline us to care for our bodies in certain ways, and seems to exert disproportionate influence on the other mediums. Meaning that language, urban design, and other things, are all effected by the economic system. That the economic system is the base, or master medium, in which all other mediums work through. This makes sense in that our bodies are the main thing that allow us to do anything. So perhaps the body is the master medium, and the economic system is the way the body continues to function. So anyways, that should be enough to make it clear that our minds work through many large mediums that interact with one another, and that cities, language, and economic systems are all crucial mediums for our choices. And furthermore, that the problem I addressed in the first section has to do with the inclinations of our mediums. I believe that some of my relationships have a strictly conceptual quality because language and the economic system incline us to think of people in strictly utilitarian, and not empathic, terms.


Before I move on to try and propose some solutions to the problem of conceptual relationships, I would like to say a few more things about mediums. The questions are, How do mediums get structured in this way? If everything down to cities and language is a medium, how do we change them? What is their internal logic or structure? What sort of factors contribute to the constitution of a medium? To answer this I would like to use my friends Michel Foucault, Guy Claxton, and David Harvey.


The mediums that I am speaking of consist of things that are typically regarded as mundane or ordinary. In order to understand how cities, languages, and economic systems are mediums, I think we need to focus on basic things like time, space, movement, sleep, etc.. In other words, in order to grasp the nature of our largest mediums we have to look for the significance in the mundane.


Foucault’s Discipline & Punish is loaded with this type of observation of social mediums. Foucault claims that sometime at the beginning of the nineteenth century a new type of society came into existence, what he calls a ‘disciplinary society’. The hallmark of disciplinary society is the intense regulation of individual bodies. Foucault believes that disciplinary societies came into existence for a variety of reasons, the rise of capitalist economies being one of the most important. He describes how the most basic facets of life came under the gaze of elite groups of individuals. Doctors, psychiatrists, factory owners, legal officials, and other individuals were suddenly capable of closely observing individuals. As a result it became possible to create large bodies of knowledge about individuals, their lives, their movements, their thoughts and attitudes, and so on. And that knowledge in turn allowed people to be regulated in more intense ways. Foucault would say that the creation of that knowledge, in fact, produced those individuals by telling them what they were. In particular, Foucault claims that mundane things like sleep, language, movement, space, and time were the most closely regulated. In other words, Foucault believes that a new form of political/economic culture, and thus new people, were created through the regulation of the most basic aspects of life. And for my sake, I’ll say that a new social medium (capitalist/disciplinary society) was created through the regulation of the mundane.


Claxton also offers some insights into the significance of the mundane. In What’s The Point Of School Claxton argues that a school’s culture is determined by the way it handles very basic things. Claxton, just like Foucault, identifies space, language, and time as key factors in determining the culture of a school. It matters how we arrange our spaces, how we regulate our time, how we speak about things. Claxton, for example, says that it is harmful to speak of students as ‘bright’ or ‘dull’. He argues that those labels imply that there is something inherently smart or dumb about a certain person. And instead we should be speaking of students capacity for learning. That the word ‘learning’ needs to be the crux of school culture. Claxton says that “small changes in the classroom layout and the activities on offer cumulatively shift students’ sense of ‘what we believe and value’, and they respond accordingly,” and that “Building a learning culture is not just a matter of individual teachers in separate classrooms. Every aspect of school life is important” (149, my italics). In other words, for schools, the most important things are the most basic things: the words we use, the way we arrange our space, the actions we partake in. For Claxton, schools are the medium to education, and the medium is the message. And the medium lies in the most basic aspects of our lives.


These two examples lend credence to David Harvey’s claims in The Condition Of Postmodernity. In that book Harvey wants to understand what it is that people loosely refer to as ‘postmodernity’. The most obvious question is, What is the relationship between the cultures that we call modernity and what we call postmodernity? Harvey argues that, above all else, the experience of (post)modernity is fundamentally connected with a certain experience of space and time (space-time). Furthermore, that the experience of space-time is closely tied to the economic system that is in place. Harvey claims that the rise of modernity is about new experiences of space and time that resulted from the growth of industry and capitalism. As industry grew in Europe people began exploring more, commerce grew, products could be shipped internationally, time became a more precious commodity, maps became more common. In short, as capitalism grew people began to experience space-time in new and profound ways. Harvey refers to this phenomenon as ‘time-space compression’, which refers to “processes that so revolutionize the objective qualities of space and time that we are forced to alter, sometimes in quite radical ways, how we represent the world to ourselves” (240). And the word compression refers to how “ the history of capitalism has been characterized by speed-up in the pace of life, while so overcoming spatial barriers that the world sometimes seems to collapse inwards upon us” (240). Modernity as a cultural phenomena, therefore, is associated with a round of time-space compression that was brought on by the expansion of capitalism. Similarly, Harvey argues that postmodernity arose out of another round of time-space compression that was caused by a transformation in capitalism’s structure. He argues that we have changed from a Fordist-Keynesian economic model to what he calls one of ‘flexible accumulation’, meaning that the economy now “rests on flexibility with respect to labour processes, labour markets, products, and patterns of consumption” (147). Harvey drives home the point that the most minor things in our lives, like how we experience space and time, can actually have profound consequences for our personal and cultural lives. He corroborates Foucault and Claxton’s claims that culture emerges out of mundane things like basic language, space, time, movement, sleep, and so on. And all of these thinkers allow me to understand that our must essential mediums are constituted by constellations of these mundanities. Our mediums (economic systems, languages, cities, etc.) are constituted by certain organizations of space, time, movement, and so on. The mundane parts of our life have a lot of power to determine how we think, how we live our lives, and what our habits are.


I think that Carr is also aware of the importance of these mundane things, and how they create the mediums that give us our habits. He begins explicating his idea of the intellectual ethic of mediums by talking about the history of clocks and maps. He explains how each one of these intellectual tools, these ‘tools of the mind’, change the way that we think about the world, and thus change the way that we act within the world. Carr, however, has less to say about what the intellectual ethic of the map or the clock is. He is just saying that they are mediums that we use to understand ourselves in the world, and that they too have a set of assumptions, that they are a medium with a message.


Carr, however, does have plenty to say about the implications of the internet as a medium. In particular, Carr worries that the internet is making people more machine like, that by fully committing to the electronic world we are sacrificing something uniquely human. That by being constantly distracted by the internet and technology we are losing something. Namely, the power of judgement, empathy, and compassion. He claims that we are experiencing “a slow erosions of our humanness and our humanity” (220). That “the more distracted we become, the less able we are to experience the subtlest, most distinctively human forms of empathy, compassion, and other emotions.... It would not be rash to suggest that as the Net reroutes our vital paths and diminishes our capacity for contemplation, it is altering the depth of our emotions as well as our thoughts” (221). Indeed, the message of the internet is one of distraction, and I agree with Carr that this has serious consequences for our capacity for empathy and compassion. We are running the risk of destroying those traits that we think of as human or humane. “It may be that we are now entering the final stage of that [technological] entrenchment. We are welcoming the frenziedness [of technology] into our souls” (222). We do indeed need to worry about the way the modern world inclines us to eschew empathy, compassion, and emotions.


I think, however, that these issues go far beyond the internet as a medium. Because the disappearance of empathy and compassion is something that is happening in places beyond the internet. I fear that it is happening in our cities and urban design, in our language, and in our economic system. That is why I undertook this analysis of those mediums. Because I wonder if the message of those mediums is to abandon empathy for generalizations about people. I wonder if the message of our economic system is that we are essentially our jobs, and that as long as someone is economically defined we don’t need to take the time to show them any empathy or compassion. And this is the connection to the previous section on the difference between empathic and conceptual interaction, and why the question of mediums and their inclinations matters so much. People often habitually treat me as if I am simply a barista, as if I don’t need to be thought of in serious or nuanced ways. And I don’t think I can chock this up to stupidity, or laziness, or anything like that. I think I need to look at larger forces. And I think that I can understand this qualitative divide in my relationships by focusing on the mediums through which my relationships are mediated. And it seems to me that the message of our most prominent mediums, is that we ought to abandon empathy in favor of economic efficiency and personal generalization. And since I suspect that our economic system may be the most important medium, I will say that the message of capitalism might be greed, generalization, labeling, and a lack of empathy. And all of this happens on the habitual level.


I believe that I can only understand my relationships by understanding their mediums. And that is what I wanted to do in this section. I was asking, If the medium is the message, and if language, cities, and economic systems are mediums, then what is the message of those mediums? What habits are these mediums instilling in me and my fellow humans? And I fear that the mediums are giving us habits that are cold, and unemotional. We are being turned into beings that habitually label one another, habitually ignore one another, habitually scorn one another, habitually interact at the superficial level of words, habitually avoid empathy and compassion.


This was a hard section to write for me. I struggled to write about these mediums. I didn’t know how to approach them. But I made it through. And in the end I think I have addressed the question of relationships by focusing on mediums. My conclusions, however, are too vague. Carr believes that the internet, with its inclination towards distraction, is dulling our capacity for empathy. And I am similarly concluding that the economic system, our language, and our cities are also inclining use towards distraction and the dulling of empathy. It seems to be a fact of my experience and the world around me. I know there is still a lot of love and empathy out there. But there is also a lot of alienation, a lot of coldness, a lot of war, and probably not enough empathy. And I think that this must have something to do with our most prominent mediums.


In the last two sections I need to try and build on this work I’ve just done. I think that the only way out of this problem, the only way to understand our mediums and our habits, is through historical study. Similarly, I think that the only way to create informed policy is through historical study. And that the only way to reinvigorate our culture with empathy and love is through historical study. Thus, the next section will be on historical study, and the issue of human self-creation.